THE ROLE OF CREDIBLE ELECTION ON THE CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION 

1.1        Background of the study

1.2        Statement of problem

1.3        Objective of the study

1.4        Research Hypotheses

1.5        Significance of the study

1.6        Scope and limitation of the study

1.7       Definition of terms

1.8       Organization of the study

CHAPETR TWO

2.0   LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPETR THREE

3.0        Research methodology

3.1    sources of data collection

3.3        Population of the study

3.4        Sampling and sampling distribution

3.5        Validation of research instrument

3.6        Method of data analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introductions

4.2 Data analysis

CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 Introduction

5.2 Summary

5.3 Conclusion

5.4 Recommendation

Appendix

 

Abstract

The study examined the link between credible elections and the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria, with focus on the 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra state. Specifically, the study evaluated the political and other settings for the 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra state. It also examined the political, legal, economic and other problems created by the 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra State. Utilizing the theory of post colonial state which, focusing on the Nigeria State as a creation of imperialism and as such, has followed a development strategy dictated by the interest of imperialism and its local allies, highlights the inability of the Nigeria State, as it is presently constituted, to mediate political conflicts in form of conducting credible elections, resolving peacefully post-election disputes and above all consolidating democracy in the country. Relying on observational technique, relevant qualitative data were generated for the study. These were analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis. On the basis of this, the study unraveled that the conduct of the 2003 gubernatorial election in Anambra State and the events thereafter threw up a number of legal, economic, political and other problems.

 

 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the study

Modern democracies, the world over, take electoral practice as one of the major fundamental pillars in democratic governance. This is simply because flawed electoral practice has the capacity to mar democratic process. Again, man’s capacity for political fraud, intrigues and display of authoritarian/totalitarian political behaviour makes also open or transparently competitive electoral exercise for the purpose of constituting a government extremely inevitable, if society is to experience relative political and socioeconomic equity based on the principle of collective accommodation of public will. Therefore, to checkmate man‟s inordinate disposition to acquire and exercise absolute political power, which is a major bane of national/territorial sovereignty, democratic framework and sustainable development. It is imperative that electoral contests be made open and transparent especially now that periodic elections have gained global acceptance in the contemporary liberal democratic dispensation (Omelle, 2005:69). With respect to Nigeria, however, the popular struggle for direct political representation and rejection of the monopolization of the state power predates the political independence of 1960. Prior to the exit of the colonial masters, the struggle by the people was basically against colonial subjugation, intimidation, domination, exploitation and monopolization of the state power and other paraphernalia of government by foreign rulers and their affiliated local agents. The struggle was also directed towards further demand that the economic products of the country be directly used for the ultimate benefits of the indigenous population rather than utilizing them to meet the needs of the foreign capital (Joseph, 1987: 4). Thus, government through popular representation was central in the anti-colonial struggles. Regrettably, however, this principle of popular representation or what is normally called representative democracy though enthroned at the twilight of colonial rule in Nigeria, has been so much abused since independence by indigenous regimes that unfulfilled demand for a free and fair democratic process together with the reversal of the equitable sharing of public wealth in Nigeria has continued to render, of great relevance in Nigeria, free and fair democratic theory and practice. Meanwhile, despite the advantages inherent in democratization and enthronement of democratic principles, the presence of ethnic as well as religious blocs in Nigeria has continuously and consistently made electoral contests fiercely competitive, and sometimes violent. The contest is often complicated by divergences in language, religion and level of economic attainment. All these have coalesced to reinforce the problems besetting the Nigerian State. Thus, the dominant pattern of political behaviour in Nigeria can be defined in terms of endless pressure on the state power. These pressures on the state power have effectively hampered transparent and crisis-free transition to democratic rule. More often than not, the nature of such transitions are not only from above but at times even follow periods of actual regime collapse due to incessant political, social and economic crisis they often left in their trails. The first and second Republics, for instance, were consumed by the inferno ignited by the 1965 elections and the 1983 general elections respectively. Hence, the character of transitions are such that one finds an element of continuity in terms of elite circulation and re-circulation with little turnover but for the marginalization and exclusion of those identified as the hardliners. It is this authoritarian elite that control the vital aspects of the transition and even the democratization process itself, hence ensuring a behavioural and even institutional continuity with a varied authoritarianism (Transition Monitoring Group /TMG, 2003: 20). In line with the foregoing, Nigeria‟s history of democratization especially under the military has largely been attempts at bequeathing democracy from above. In fact, aside the Murtala/Obasanjo successful handover to civilian rule in 1979, the transition which brought Alhaji Shehu Shagari to power, other attempts at political transition thereafter especially that organized by General Ibrahim Babangida can best be termed transaction. This was due to the obvious intention of the military regime not to conduct democratic transition in an open and transparent manner, but rather to create crisis situation and through that way pursue and actualize the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. Unfortunately, the agitation led by civil society and other democratic groups led to the forceful exit of the Babangida administration. The attempt at transition by General Abacha, Babangida‟s successor, was not quite different from that of Babangida in terms of objective. The ontological reality of Abacha‟s 1995 Constitution and transition programme was nothing but the attempt to formalize the rule of one man, that is, General Abacha as an individual, stabilize him, and civilize him (Transition Monitoring Group, 2003: 21). The sudden death of Abacha brought General Abdulsalami Abubakar who from all indications was ready to carry out transition process that differed markedly from his predecessor. His short transition witnessed the reconstruction of electoral body, emergence of relatively free and independent political parties and above all, elections into all levels of government and the ultimate swearingin of an elected president in the person of General (later Chief) Olusegun    Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo picked issues with the growing deterioration in the quality of governance, weakening of public institutions, and citizens‟ distrust in government, corruption, recklessness and the growing bitterness among distinct communities that hitherto lived in peace with each other due to actions or inactions of government (Transition Monitoring Group, 2003: 22) A credible and transparent transition to civilian administration or democratic form of government was therefore perceived by many including the Obasanjo‟s administration as one way of dealing effectively with some of the above enumerated problems besetting the Nigerian State which, in the main, were associated with religious crisis or excessive religiosity and value confusion. Thus, democracy was seen by all to provide an opening and a space for the expression of discontent and amicable harmonization of divergent interest. Meanwhile, despite this express commitment to promoting democratic governance, the action of the government with the Electoral Act was tended towards constitutional authoritarianism. Prior to the 2003 General Elections, allegation was rife that the president, in connivance with the Senate President and the Speaker of House of Representative, inserted an illegal clause into an already passed Bill which was basically designed to give them undue advantages. Though there were denials and counter denials by those accused of perpetrating such act, and the alleged nullification of the inserted clause, this single act whether real or alleged was seen as a fraud and an attempt to rig the electoral law. So the confusion created by this act of the ruling party did not subside before the conduct of the 2003 General Elections. Thus, not a few political actors went into the elections with the mindset that the ruling party had perfected plans to rig the elections.

• STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Almost everywhere, the enlightened self-interest of the ruling class dictated that autocracy be replaced first by the classical form of democracy and the next, the classical form itself be replaced by its liberal form especially within the context of representative democracy. The practice of liberal democracy has even undergone some changes particularly with the coming up of the bourgeois society not only produced struggles that altered and re-defined the meaning and practice of democracy but has also made the quest for democratization a permanent feature of the modern nation-state. This is why from the bourgeois point of view, it is argued that democracy ensures: … extensive competition among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties) either directly or indirectly for the major positions of governmental power, a „highly inclusive‟ level of political participation in the selection of leaders and polices, least through regular and fair elections, such that no major (adult) is excluded, and a level of civil and political liberties-freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and join organizations sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation…(Diamond, 1998: 4). From the above explication, it can be seen that the concept of elections lies at the heart of a system of representative democracy. The other elements, also crucial to representative democracy, include the guarantee of civil and political liberties as well as the existence of an institutional arrangement whose function is principal to maintain the above stated elements through the rule of law. It is evident, at this point, that elections play a crucial role in the bourgeois conception of democracy. This implies that the stability of the bourgeois order is premised upon the credibility of its elections. As Okoye (2003) puts it, “elections are a complex set of activities with different variables that act and feed on one another”. It can be defined as a “formal act of collective decision that occurs in a stream of connected antecedent and subsequent behaviour. It involves the participation of the people in the act of electing their leaders and their own participation in governance”, (Okoye, 2003: vii). In the light of the foregoing, one is not in doubt as to whether elections and electoral practices shape the fate of the modern state. The reason for this is not difficult to discern. Elections provide the medium through which different interest groups within the modern state can stake and harmonize their claims to power through peaceful means. To this effect, elections determine the manner and methods by which changes in the social order may be effected. If this method or approach fails, it then means that individuals and groups may be left on their own design (irrespective of how violent and unlawful) to press their claims to power. This indisputable fact alone makes the subject of elections and electoral practices in Nigeria very crucial. Against this background, therefore, attempt is made to critically examine the contribution of the nature and character of the Nigerian State and the ruling elite in the conduct of the 2003 elections in Anambra State as well as the impact of the political crisis arising from the election on the consolidation of democracy in Anambra State. Thus, in order to actualize the foregoing, the understated research questions are raised for investigation and empirical validation.

1. Is the nature and character of the Nigerian State and the ruling elite responsible for the flawed 2003 gubernatorial election in Anambra State which resulted in the political crisis that engulfed the State from 2003 to 2006?
2. Did the political crisis arising from the conduct of 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra State undermine the consolidation of democracy in the State?
3. Is there any positive relationship between the legal and constitutional frameworks, the 2003 electoral fraud and the consequent political crisis in Anambra State?
   • OBJECTIVE OF THE SUDY

The objectives of the study are;

1. To find out whether the nature and character of the Nigerian State as well as the ruling elite is responsible for the flawed gubernatorial election in Anambra State which resulted in the political crisis that engulfed the State from 2003 to 2006?
2. To examine whether political crisis arising from the conduct of 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra State undermine the consolidation of democracy in the State.
3. To ascertain if there is any positive relationship between the legal and constitutional frameworks, the 2003 electoral fraud and the consequent political crisis in Anambra State.

1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

For the successful completion of the study, the following research hypotheses were formulated by the researcher;

H₀: political crisis do not arise from the conduct of 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra State undermine the consolidation of democracy in the State.

 H₁: political crisis arise from the conduct of 2003 gubernatorial elections in Anambra State undermine the consolidation of democracy in the State.

H₀²: there is no positive relationship between the legal and constitutional frameworks, the 2003 electoral fraud and the consequent political crisis in Anambra State.

 H₂: there is positive relationship between the legal and constitutional frameworks, the 2003 electoral fraud and the consequent political crisis in Anambra State.

• SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will give a clear insight on the role of credible election on the consideration of democracy in Nigeria. The study will be beneficial to students, INEC and the general public. The study will serve as a reference to other researchers that will embark on this topic

• SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers the role of credible election on the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. The researcher encounters some constrain which limited the scope of the study;

1. a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
2. b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
3. c) Organizational privacy: Limited Access to the selected auditing firm makes it difficult to get all the necessary and required information concerning the activities.

1.7 DEFINITION OF TERMS

CREDIBLE ELECTION: It is when the voter rights are protected during the electoral process that credible elections can be conducted, and credible and popular candidates, emerge as winners. Elections are the technical means of ensuring popular participation in government. It is a means of building support and choosing leaders and policies.

ELECTION: An election is a formal group decision-making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office.

CONSOLIDATION: the act or process of consolidating: the state of being consolidated. 2 : the process of uniting : the quality or state of being united; specifically : the unification of two or more corporations by dissolution of existing ones and creation of a single new corporation.

DEMOCRACY: Democracy, in modern usage, has three senses – all for a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting.

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding.  Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study

 

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