THE IMPACT OF AFRICAN COUNTRIES ON THE UNITED NATION SECURITY COUNCIL IN DEVELOPING COUNTRY

Abstract

The image of Africa in the United Nations in the first twelve years of the life of that organization was an image of Trust Territories and colonially dominated areas. This was drastically altered by the emergence of African states to independence and membership in the world community. As they have gained increased membership in the United Nations, the African states have sought to co-ordinate their efforts on issues of self-determination, the independence of colonial areas, the elimination of racial discrimination policies. To this end, caucusing groups have developed. There is presently dis cernible a tendency toward unity even on non-African issues. Within the United Nations itself, the African states are con cerned with obtaining seats on the Security Council, the Eco nomic and Social Council, and on other committees that include less than the full membership of the United Nations. On sub stantive issues, they are concerned with eliminating Portuguese domination in Angola and Mozambique, with achieving inde pendence for South West Africa, and with ending apartheid in South Africa, with priorities assigned in that order for reasons of strategy.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the study

The United Nations (UN) today represents one of the most sophisticated and arguably among the best-crafted machinery so far established for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and stability. Following its establishment in 1945 with 51 sovereign member states, for the maintenance of global peace and stability, its membership and mandate have ever since continued to expand. For instance, by 1995, its membership had risen to 188 and today it stands at 191.1 The end of the Cold War and the emergence of a New World Order have also brought about an expansion in its agenda to include issues of democratisation, environmental degradation and protection, promotion of human rights, gender equity and good governance.2 The continuing appeal of the UN to member states in the developing world also derives from the fact that for a very long time, it was assumed * and is still being so viewed in some quarters, rightly or wrongly * to have enormous resources at its disposal for disbursement to compliant member states. Since the establishment of the UN in 1945, the core of its activities has been conducted in the Security Council (SC). The role of the Security Council has been likened to that of an upper house of a legislature in national politics.3 While the General Assembly has tried to use its democratic orientation to assume more powers from the Security Council, the dominant power states which also have veto powers in the Security Council prefer and know that it represents the nerve centre of the UN. While the veto has in some instance been abused as an essentially undemocratic mechanism, it serves to ‘keep the big players in the game, and there is no game without them.’4 The Security Council is the only forum of UN decision-making whose decisions are mandatory for all members. It is therefore where things are made to happen in the UN. This status, coupled with the changing environment and context of the UN and international politics in general, has resulted in massive calls for its reform. Although the calls for UN reform extend beyond the Security Council, this paper limits itself to UN Security Council reform because of its strategic role in UN operations. The paper places specific emphasis on Nigeria’s aspirations to represent Africa in an enlarged Security Council. We seek to illuminate the positive and negative factors confronting the country in this pursuit. Informed by the evidence and argument marshalled in the paper, we conclude that Nigeria certainly has impressive credentials that should qualify it for the seat. The odds are stacked against it, but success is not impossible.

When formal rules are drafted, and an institution begins to function, the wheels for institutional change are also put in motion. It is up to the satisfied to control the axis and direction of change, and up to the dissatisfied to create bumps in the road. In the case of the UN Security Council, the first bumps appeared even before the rules were finalised. Given previous experiences with the League of Nations, the main political cleavage in the negotiations for agreeing to the new organisation became apparent at San Francisco. The countries that had questioned the veto power and even the allocation of permanent seats on the Security Council began to insist on a process for the future amendment of the UN Charter, even before it had been signed and ratified (Garcia 2012). Article 108 of the UN Charter stipulates that amendments need to be approved by two thirds of the UN General Assembly and ratified by two thirds of all UN members, including all the permanent members of the Security Council (UN 1945). No one foresaw that this formula would ‘lock in’ the Security Council and limit possibilities for change. While, in 1963, a unique moment developed that allowed the formal alternation of the Charter, negotiations have not led anywhere since then. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that while the ‘lock-in’ effect has prevented changes to the Security Council’s formal composition and voting rules, informal changes have allowed it respond to the political, social and economic changes that have occurred over the decades. The current relationship between the United Nations (UN) and Africa seems paradoxical: while there may be a lot of talk about Africa, there is not so much talk with Africa and even less so of Africa itself and its role at the UN. Historically, this bond has undergone several transformations. At the time when the UN Charter was drafted there were less than a handful of independent African states. However, as African countries decolonized throughout the 1960s, the status of Africa at the UN started to change. The newly independent African countries became members to the UN and learned to use the world organization as a podium to put forward interests such as economic development and decolonization. To date, African countries form the largest regional grouping at the UN, with over a quarter of all UN member states. Yet group size per se does not automatically translate into pro-active, unified decision-making. On the contrary, speaking with one voice at the UN and synchronizing their position has become an ongoing challenge for African Member States to the UN. To strengthen the dialogue between African states and the UN, FES New York in association with the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR), Cape Town hosted a day-and–a-half long conference on June 20-21, 2008. The conference addressed some of the outstanding challenges for the relationship between African countries and the UN. The organizers sought insights and policy guidance from a distinguished group of African diplomats, UN practitioners and scholars from the continent (see Annex for list of participants) on some of the challenges that both the AU and the UN face. Special attention was given to the independent audit of the African Union (AU), conducted at the end of 2007, as Professor Adebayo Adedeji, Chair of the High-Level Panel that conducted the audit, was present at the conference to discuss its main findings and policy recommendations. The subsequent report will therefore first reflect the debate of the state of the AU, followed by topical discussions on the challenges for Africa’s social and economic development; the challenges for peacekeeping in Africa; reforming the UN’s security and peace architecture. The report will conclude with an analysis of crosscutting issues that emerged from the debates and an outlook on the future of Africa-UN relation. O n 1 January 2017, Ethiopia became a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Its bid for a non-permanent seat got overwhelming support from the African Group in the UN: it endorsed Ethiopia’s candidacy back in January 2016 at the headquarters of the African Union (AU), after Kenya and the Seychelles withdrew their candidacies. Ethiopia has a long history of engagements with the UN. It enjoys good relations with the United States and other Western powers. It also has quite strong diplomatic links with G-20 and BRICS nations, particularly China and India. Thus it came as no surprise that, in June 2016, Ethiopia won a seat in the first round of voting in the UN General Assembly, with the support of 185 of the 193 member countries. The UNSC offers a platform for its members to influence the courses and directions of inter-state relations as well as global agenda for peace and development. At the same time, the UNSC is also characterised by power politics. The rather unimpressive state of global governance and its grave consequence for Africa and other regions in the developing world that are in dare need of the support of the international community to address the challenges of development is a major source of concern. In light of Ethiopia’s longstanding engagement with the UN system, as well as its close association with Africa and its development challenges, what are the issues that Ethiopia is likely to be advancing using the UNSC platform?

• STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Home of African diplomacy Ethiopia’s profile as a rising economy and an important security-policy partner may also have contributed. It has Ethiopia in the UN Security Council 2017-2018 the continent’s second-largest population and the region’s fifth-largest economy, with an annual GDP growth rate estimated at 8.5 per cent. The country’s standing in global political relations is due not only to its military and economic power: in the diplomatic sphere, Nigeria has been uncompromising on issues of Africa’s freedom and the dignity of the black man. It was in this light that Nigeria opposed France over its continued colonisation of Algeria and also threatened to strain her diplomatic relations when France carried out nuclear tests in the Sahara in 1960. Nigeria also opposed Portugal over its continued colonial occupation of parts of Africa. It waged a relentless war against South Africa over its racist policy of apartheid which enslaved black people in their own state. It is in view of the above that the researcher intends to investigate the impact of African countries on the united Nations security council in developing country.

• OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The main objective of the study is to evaluate the impact of African countries on the united nation security council in developing countries. To aid the completion of the study, the researcher intend to achieve the following specific objectives

1. To examine the impact of African countries on the united nation security in developing country
2. To ascertain the role of African countries in global peace
   • RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;

1. Is there any impact of African countries on the united nation security in developing country?
2. Does African countries play any role in attaining global peace?
   • SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will be of significance to Nigerian government and other west African state as Nigeria compromises internal security for international security. Yet, Nigeria bears the wealth of the region – Gulf of Guinea (being the most attractive gulf when compared to the Caspian and Persian Gulf’s). However, Nigeria’s ability to secure the Gulf is in question. As Nigeria puts up infrastructure to secure the entire gulf, it is better equipped to represent Africa as Africa’s permanent member at the UNSC. As Brazil today commands a place of respect in the world because of its rich ‘ethanol’ economic strength (an alternative energy source) Nigeria can do same with its crude and also with its contribution towards Peace Support Operations (PSOs) generally if it can put its acts together. Otherwise, the politics in the international system will disqualify Nigeria. As it is, progress is slowed down in Nigeria because of corruption and misgovernment. Looking at the other contestants, Egypt even though does not have a democracy, is in the good book of the US. South Africa also, is richer and technologically more advanced than Nigeria. To say the least, Nigeria’s current government (Yar’adua/Jonathan’s, 2007- 2011) is not regarded by the European Union. However in spite of these, Nigeria still stands tall when compared with the other contestants (Egypt and South Africa) on the continent owing from Nigeria’s role in global peace and security which is the main objective of the UN. Indeed, no state in the international system has contributed as Nigeria has in Peace Keeping Operations; not even the US per capita. Again, even if Nigeria has not been able to translate the credentials mentioned above, in the near future Nigeria will make good if it can convert the use of its role in PKOs and its rich crude deposit into positive and quality use.

• SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers the impact of African countries on the united nation security council in developing country, but in the cause of the study, there were some factors that limited the scope of the study;

1. a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
2. b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
3. c) Finance: Limited Access to the required finance was a major constrain to the scope of the study.

1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

UNITED NATION

The United Nations is an intergovernmental organization tasked to promote international co-operation and to create and maintain international order.

SECURITY COUNCIL

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations, charged with the maintenance of international peace and security as well as accepting new members to the United Nations and approving any changes to its United Nations Charter

DEVELOPING COUNTRY

A developing country is a country with a less developed industrial base and a low Human Development Index relative to other countries. However, this definition is not universally agreed upon.

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on European civilization and Nigeria culture. Chapter four concentrate on the historical development of Yoruba dressing culture and chapter five covers summary conclusion and recommendations

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