ABSTRACT
This study explores and analyze the various roles the Nigerian newspapers, with specific referenceto the Guardian and the Vanguard newspapers played in the process of government deregulating the power sector by emphasizing the nature of coverage the newspapers gave to the reform. Areas covered in this work include background to the study, review of related literatures. However, the Development Media theory and the Agenda setting theory underpinned this study creating further explanation with regards to prominence the newspapers gave to the deregulation reform in the power. The systemic sampled days technique was used to select Fifty Four editions which formed the sampled size for both newspapers (that is, Twenty Seven selected editions for each newspaper) were content analyzed. Interviews were conducted with ten respondents who are audience to the sampled newspapers. Findings of the research revealed that the deregulation of the power sector reform is the most emphasized deregulation subject matter in the sampled newspapers. The sources of information which the sampled newspapers used in acquiring information on stories they publish on deregulation of the power sector reform were mostly acquired from events and happening with regards to the deregulation reform in the power sector. It was also discovered that the degree of prominence the newspapers accorded to deregulation of the power sector news is relatively low as stories they published on the power sector reform hardly feature on very important pages of the newspapers such as the editorial, front, back or business pages of the sampled newspapers. The study also revealed that the newspapers observed the investigative journalism role but in a minimal standard as a result of which factors prohibiting the deregulation reform in the power sector to succeed were not intricately identified. Finally, the research advocates that Nigerian newspapers should pay more attention to development issues by setting more agendas on developmental issues and also, they should diversify their information sources by adopting multi-faced sources rather than over depending on one information source. The study also suggest that the Nigerian newspapers should develop a serious attitude toward the watchdog role by monitoring progress of developmental projects and report to the public when those in charge are not living up to their responsibilities in order to exhibit their investigative journalism duty.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
The media are the bridge between the government and the governed – as well as the mouthpiece of the society. Therole of the media in development has been demonstrated by the current steep rise in the use of information technology worldwide. Even poor developing countries have embraced the technology of information dissemination among several othernecessary factors, to develop. This development is consistent with the established position that the media helps to cause attitude change and toensures socio-economic transformation.(Schramm, 1964; Lerner & Schramm, 1967; Agbaje, 1992; Ayee, 1997; Makoa, et al, 2000, cited in Jibo, 2003).
Basically, the media are described as performing three functions or roles of informing, educating and entertainment. These are the conventional social functions the media renders to the public, this, is equally applicable in broader sense to national development. It could be said that through educating, informing and entertaining, the media makes members of the society,or the nation as well as the leadership, aware of the importance and need to undertake certain process or processes of national development. Attached to these three basic roles of media is another role of persuasion, where the media are seen as virile tools of applying persuasive effort to influence people’s actions in a particular direction. The mass media are therefore seen as strategic in providing the public with necessary information to achieve development or change goals. (Isa, 2007).
The role of media in development lies in their capacity and capability to sensitize and mobilize resources and people through information dissemination. (Nwabueze, 2005, cited in Isa, 2007).Inbrelation to this, Sogolo (1995) pointed that:“the role of information in national development is no longer a matter of dispute and can be argued that information is useful if properly disseminated”. Thus, in a plural and diverse society like Nigeria, the development of the nation would depend on the existence of a cordial relationship between leadership and followership, as well as between the elite and the people at the grassroots level.The role of the media in fostering this relationship and understanding needed for development in the society in the society cannot be overemphasized.
In all this, the media have an important role to play, by taking into consideration the socio-cultural conditions under which they operate, but without losing sight of the universal commitments and objectives of the media profession. (Sogolo, 1995).Yishak (2012) asserts that for media coverage of any development policyto be effectively implemented and valid, itshould take into consideration, the following attributes:
Accuracy: By accuracy means information provided by a media organization must be reliable and have valid representation of reality of that particular development programme.
Timeliness: Information concerning development must be timely so that the receiving end could benefit in decision making of those that the development is meant for.
Completeness: Information on any development policy from the media should be complete and comprehensive for proper understanding of the public.
In the absence of the above mentioned factors, the audience may have a distorted view and in the final analysis, the decision of the media audience would come into disarray. (Yishak 2012).Development involves political, economic and social transformation and these need the media’s input for positive integration. Development is a quantifiable change which entails changes in the structure of the economy, social, and political disposition of a society. The targets
of any development programme are the people, it focuses on human population and the media is
charged with the role of disseminating to the populace vital information regarding development.
Hence, the overall objective of development is human development, the purpose of which is to enlarge people’s choices for:
Greater access to knowledge, access to better nutrition and healthservices, more secure livelihoods, security against crime andphysical violence, political and cultural freedoms, and a senseof participation in community activities and articulating all these factors is made possible with the media’s input. (Eapen, 1973).
In their specific functions in development, Isa (2000) maintained very importantly that the media
must observe thefourth estate role. The fourth pillar is required to support of the essential tripod
of government: the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary. Thus, the profession of the
media serves public interest in government functions.The media are therefore important components of the checks and balances on government policies that pave way for development
The fourth estate role as amplified inNash (1994) thus: There are all kinds of power centre in any democracy: the Judiciary, the government mandarins, the elected Representatives, the establishments, business community,unions but what binds it all together is the media. Only through the media can the governing communicate effectively with the governed in any mass sense to participate in government programmes.
Notwithstanding, the role of the media in national development has also been critically
articulated in Jimada (2006:13) with reference to the agenda-setting function of the media; that the media can help raise public awareness about development problems and issues, create public
consciousness, inform people and help them to make right choices, influence policy-maker sand reflect public opinion.Agenda setting is a relational concept that specifies a transfer of salience from agenda primers (media) to agenda adopters (audience/consumers)”.
Itule and Anderson (2007), cited in Anyadike (2013), identify investigative journalism (also called the watch dog role) a basic duty of the media in development that must be observed. Itentails uncovering secrets or issues that would keep the government accountable to the society.At the centre of the debate on media accountability, professionalism and ethical standards to development, is its critical role of investigative journalism. To achieve this role, the media must carry outin-depth investigation which involves thorough researching, interviewing and analysis. That the media plays a crucial role in development is therefore not in doubt. They represent the tool for shaping public opinion, promoting good governance, influencing behaviour, facilitating nation building and promoting policies that guarantee high quality of life for majority of the citizens. Media as vanguard for political, economic and social development also represent a functional organ that carries out a specific role in the society. While it is true that media are crucial in development, their role can only be optimized under certain conditions.Firstly, they must be free and independent. Media freedom is a core variable both in theoretical conceptions of development and in the empirical measurement of it. Media freedomis one of the built-in mechanisms in development, designed to oppose destructive and divisive attitudes. In other words, it should be independent of excessive government control in order to avoid limitations.
Secondly, they must be professional and objective in their reports. Factors such as media bias, sensationalism, propaganda and distortions, negatively affect the contribution of the media in development. Thirdly, control of the media by a few elitists, organizations or government is harmful to the media’s ability to effectively carry out its role in development. Fourthly, complementary institutions, such as the judiciary and the media councils, must reinforce their activities and partnership to achieve development.
A number of roles have been assigned to the media in achieving development. Policy makers, governments, civil societies, and the private sector acknowledge the important rolesthe media play in achieving developmental goals. For these reasons, a former senior executive of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP),Aggarwala (1979) cited in a UNDP Report in 2002 note that, media coverage of development programme is expected to:
Critically examine, evaluate and report on the relevance of a development project to national and local needs, the difference between a planned scheme and its actual implementation and the difference between its impact on the people as claimed by the government and as it actually is. Aggarawala’s (1979), description of what the media role in development should focus on is hinged on developmental journalism which emphasizes the watchdog (investigative journalism) and fourth estate roles, and freedom to chat the need to create and participate in development programmes between a government and its people.
From the above, there is no doubt that the newspaperisone of the oldest medium of the media, play a crucial role in development. When a government, civil organization or private sector comes up with a blueprint, they often recognize the role of the newspaperin enhancing information dissemination concerning the policies to stimulate public action especially in modern times where (Ezell, 1989),sophisticated information and communication technologies are in vogue and capable of reaching a larger audience in a shorter space of time. Newspapers have revolutionized information delivery to a mass audience simultaneously, thereby overcoming problems of narrow information outreach. From its first publication in Nigeria in 1859 and todate, there are quite a number of newspaper organizations in the country varying in frequency and time of publication as well as circulation rate, target audience and achievements. Newspaper messages are durable, produced as tabloids or standard newspapers, their pages basically contain news items presented as editorials, features or advertorials. The news behind the news (Eze, 1995), or stories explaining the background of news events, the personality highlights surrounding them, the relationship to other news, and future development the news might cause (Emery etal,1973) appear as features stories. Newspapers also set aside display and classified columns to assist producers and establishments to run developmental campaigns called development journalism. (Ijioma, 1998, cited in Ifenkwe 2008).
One of the primary functions of the newspaper is to objectively report news in all fields of human endeavour. Usually, management of newspapers assess the newsworthiness of events based on the philosophy and interests of the organization, take decision on how best to present news and events to achieve maximum effect. (Ifenkwe, 2008).
The Guardian and the Vanguard newspapers are very influential national dailies considered to be among the leading print media and parades some of the best journalists; respected for its intellectual and independent views, with a very pervasive audience of over 130, 000 on daily basis across all the geo-political zones in Nigeria. They delves into broader issues that interest a myriad of people and aim to serve the people through unflinching commitment to free press and observes the rule of law. (Olukoju, 2004, cited in Oyero and Areoye, 2008: 49).They have disseminated information on several developmental policies and programmes including the deregulation reform of the power sector.
The issue of deregulation reforms cut across military and democratic dispensations. Government promised that the policy will lead to more investment in infrastructure, and social amenities that will guarantee good life, not for few, but for all. However, Ekwureke (2012) established that most people do not believe that government will keep to its words following what has been seen as the attitude of regimes in the past. Ekwureke (2012: 2) notes that: It is the situation that our leaders (past and present) have very often heightened through their usually unforeseen hike of oils[power] prices through the deceptive cloak of regulatory procedures. Suffice it to say that, deregulation could be a mischievous clever way by which government have increased the weight of their purses. Hence, today it is asked: What is the reaction of Nigerians over this anomaly[in the power sector] and what role did the media play to resolve it? The new motto is fast becoming, “Private investors to live more, Nigerian leaders to live most, and the innocent citizens to face the consequences.
With this form of disagreement between government and the citizens, one would wonder, what
the expected function of the media would be like in a situation like this, particularly the newspapers.
Issues and Challenges in Development, Power Sector and Media Practices in Nigeria.
There have been series of development policies in Nigeria. Yet, the country is hunted by the spectre of development. It is fifty six years of independence actually are rolling by daily in search of development. The myth of development is so entrenched that the country’s history passes for the history of development strategies and growth models from colonial times up to date. No term has been in constant flux as development. This seems the only country where virtually all notions and models of development have been experimented and failed. (Aremu, 2003). Two years after independence, the first National Development policy was formulated between
1962 and 1968 with the objectives of development opportunities in health, education, employment and improving access to these opportunities. This policy failed because fifty percent of resources needed to finance the plans was to come from external sources, and only fourteen percent of the external finance was received (Ogwumike, 1995).
The collapse of the first Republic and the commencement of the civil war also disrupted the plan.
After the civil war in 1970, the second national development policy plan in 1970 to 1974 w launched. The policy priorities were in agriculture, industry, transport, manpower, defense, electricity, communication, water supply and provision of social services. (Ogwumike, 1995). The third policy plan, covering the period of 1975 to 1980 was considered more ambitious than the second. Emphasis was placed on rural development and efforts to revamp agricultural sector. The fourth policy plan in 1981 to 1985 recognized the role of social services, health services, etc. The policy was aimed at bringing about improvement in the living conditions of the people. The specific objectives were: increase in the real income of the average citizen, more even distribution of income among individuals and socio-economic groups, increased dependence on the country’s material and human resources, a reduction in the level of unemployment and underemployment (Ogwumike, 1995).
During these periods, Nigeria’s enormous oil wealth was not invested to build a viable industrial base for the country and for launching an agrarian revolution to liquidate mass poverty. For instance, the Green Revolution Programme that replaced Operation Feed the Nation failed to generate enough food for the masses. In the recent past, various strategies for development have also been tried with little or no result; among these were the structural adjustment programme (SAP), Vision 2010, national economic empowerment and development strategy (NEEDS), creation of development centre’s, e.t.c. currently, seven point agenda with vision 2020 without any clear methodological approach towards achieving them. It is obvious that the current results so far are not what development connotes as attempts to generate meaningful development often prove futile due to challenges still inevitably prevalent in our development plans. (Aremu 2003). First,there are in most cases, no executive capacity responsible for the formulation and implementation of the plans. What are usually seen are officials entrusted to such a position but without any meaningful executive authority.Some of the previous development plans failed because; there was little or no consultation of the general public. Planning is supposed to involve all stake holders. Even, the Local Government officials who are close to the people were not consulted.(Mimiko, 1998).
Lack of good governance also militates against development plans. Where there is no good governance, development becomes a mirage. This is as a result of bad leadership in the country.
Most of our leaders have no sense of commitment to development. Mimiko (1998) captures the situation this way:
The decolonization allowed the crop of leaders that aligned with colonial power to take over Nigeria. This ensured the sustenance of a neo-colonial economy even after political independence. These leaders on assumption of power quickly turned up the repressive machinery of the colonial state rather than dismantling it. Significantly, they have no vision of development to accompany the efficient instrument of repression they inherited. All they were interested in was access to power and privileges and not development. High level of corruption and indiscipline is another barrier to development. The Nigerian state is corrupt and managed by corrupt leaders who have made the state an instrument of capital accumulation, rather than using it to project the interest of the citizenry. A very good plan supervised by a thoroughly corrupt state can hardly do a thorough good job (Mimiko, 1998).
Corruption and development are antithetical to each other. The two cannot cohabit, and so, where one is present, the other suffers.
Another important factor is the mono-economic base of the country. The country largely depends on crude oil for her survival to the detriment of other resources. All other sectors of the economy are neglected. For instance, agriculture, which constitutes the mainstay of the Nigerian economy
in the 1950s and 1960s, has been thrown into limbo over the years. Export promotion cannot be encouraged when there is virtually nothing or limited resources to export. The economy is not diversified and this is not suitable for a development (Mimiko, 1998).
Despite all the development plans, a lot of setback has been encountered in the developmental processes of the various socio-economic sectors of the country. The power sector which is a panacea for national, socio- economic development is lagging since the creation of the sector in 1896. (Ise2014). The sector has gone through series of reforms and till date, witnessing numerous transitions, from being Nigeria Electricity supply Company (NESCO) in 1929, to being Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN) in 1952. Alongside the ECN, the sector witnesses the creation of the Nigeria Dam Authority (NDA) in 1962 in order to develop the hydro power potentials in Nigeria. Another policy was formed in 1972 merging the NDA and the ECN to form the National Electricity Power Authority (NEPA) which later metamorphosized to Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) as a holding company for its imminent unbundling and privatization of the sector made possible by the deregulation policy.(Ise 2014).
The intent for government unbundling and privatizing the sector is to liberate it and to boost socio-economic production but all to no avail. Attempts by successive Nigerian governments at industrialization and rapid economic growth have been hampered by power infrastructure deficit gap. Many efforts have been made to close this gap including privatization made possible by the deregulation policy. The economic rationale behind privatizing the sector includes: efficiency among others. Therefore, the privatization of the power sector is aimed at tackling the myriads of problems in the sector such as limited access to power, inadequate generation and usage of power capacity, overlapping/conflicting roles and responsibilities between government and holding companies etc. (Olorunkanmi 2014). The trajectory to the privatization of the power sector is hinged on the nation returned to democratic rule in 1999. Since then, the government embarked on various infrastructural rehabilitation and expansion of development programmes. It is within these rehabilitation and expansion moves that involves the privatization reforms in the power sector. The power sector as at that time was characterized by myriads of challenges even as it is now. These challenges include
The challenge of initial take-off.Despite the privatization of PHCN in 2013, Nigeria’s electricity generation capacity has declined from the peak generation level of about 4,517.6 mega- watts (MW) recorded in December, 2012 to about 3,670 MW in January, 2014. (Ise 2014), electricity supply in Nigeria worsened in the fourth quarter of 2013, at the peak of the privatization process. Nevertheless, majority of Nigerians (70 percent) were hopeful about the ongoing reform in the power sector. An average of 46 percent of Nigerians received between 1-4 hours of continuous power supply daily, while 17 percent said they have received absolutely “No Light” in their households. (Vanguard, 28, 2014 cited in Olorunkanmi, 2014). The challenge of Funding.The power sector is a highly capital intensive industry. Many of the investors that acquired the unbundled PHCN borrowed money from banks and having acquired these loans from these banks, continuous financing of the projects will become a herculean task. Nigerian banks provided 70 per cent of the funds in loans and equity paid for the power assets. Some of the successful bidders have not completed the payments as many of them still owe the Federal Government. According to the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, out of the 11 electricity distribution companies in the country, only three have so far remitted to the Federal Government money due it. (Punch, February, 26, 2014 cited in Olorunkanmi, 2014).
There is also the issue of inadequate gas supply.The power sector reform is anchored on the use of gas to power systems in order to meet the needs of the country. The availability of gas to ensure consistency in power supply has been a great challenge. This challenge is a result of the inadequate infrastructure needed for gas gathering, processing and transportation. The negative effects of saboteurs and vandals in gas production affect the availability of gas. Gas supply to the power plants was not taken into consideration that this will affect the operations of the privatized power sector. For instance, approval for the construction of some gas plants by the Obasanjo’s administration did not factor in the issue of gas supply to these plants. The resultant effect is that these plants has remained unutilized long after they were commissioned. (Oketola 2013).
The issues Consumers’ fraudulent practices.There are many fraudulent practices by many electricity consumers that were ignored by the former PHCN either due to lack of information or with the active connivance of dubious staff of the organization. These fraudulent activities reduce the income generation of the former PHCN. If left unchecked it will hinder revenue of the new owners of the privatized PHCN. These offences were committed when consumers and utility staff resort to unlawful direct hooking from line; bypassing energy meter; injecting foreign elements into the energy meter; drilling holes in electro-mechanical meter; or assigning illegal amount of energy units to consumers. (Oketola 2013).
The challenge of determining the end user tariffs.The efficient pricing of electricity is central to a well-functioning power sector. Power pricing guides investment decisions and is critical for cost recovery. It also signals to users the cost of marginal consumption and should ideally encourage the optimal utilization of installed capacity. But achieving efficient power pricing is easier said than done. The power sector is characterized by substantive up-front fixed costs, and it takes many years for capacity to be fully utilized. Beyond that, costs vary across times of the day (peak/off-peak), seasons (dry/rainy), users (residential/commercial), and geographic areas (urban/rural), which should be taken into consideration when setting prices that promote efficient use. (Briceno-Garmendia,C.&Shkaratan,M. 2011). Electricity prices in Nigeria are currently below production costs. Therefore, the industry is barely able to generate enough revenue to cover its operating costs let alone meet its considerable capital expenditure needs. This is a huge challenge that new owners will have to contend with as they cannot source for fund from government the way PHCN did. Whatever approach that the new owners will adopt must take into consideration the ability of the end users to pay. Technicality behind setting efficient tariffs were complex, power providers and regulators also face a conflict between promoting economic efficiency and societal well-being. As Borenstein (2008) observes that if income-challenged groups are to enjoy the benefits of power provision, policy makers must set affordable tariffs below production costs or introduce an explicit subsidy regime.
In an attempt to address this tariff issue, Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) has been charged with the dual function of ensuring that the prices charged by licensees are fair to the consumers and sufficient to allow the licensees to finance their activities and to allow for reasonable earning and profits for efficient operation. NERC has developed a new tariff approach called the Multi Year Tariff Order, (MYTO). At the centre of this is an order that calculates electricity prices based on revenue requirements of the whole industry. The workability of this approach remains to be ineffective. (Ise 2014).
The issues of reconciliation of assets and liabilities of PHCN.The unbundled PHCN was poorly managed which was one of the reasons why it could not sustain itself by generating enough revenue to remain in operation. Therefore, there is the challenge of not having comprehensive information detailing the assets and liabilities of the erstwhile PHCN. In a bid to solve this issue the Federal Government set up the Nigerian Electricity Management Company (NELMCO). It serve as a government Special Purpose Vehicle based on the understanding that it would assume and manage extant assets, liabilities and other obligations that could not be easily transferred from PHCN to the Successor Companies. There will likely arise conflicting interest between the new investors and the government over the quality of assets that were privatized as the assets that will require additional huge investment to upgrade the assets to standard that will ensure smooth running of the equipment. Government as equity shareholder may be unwilling to commit substantial amount to such investments. (Oketola 2013).
There is also the challenge of workforce.The former employees of PHCN like every employee of privatized companies elsewhere have been averse to the privatization of the sector. The fear of the future of their employment created the initial resistance to the unbundling process. Some of their initial concerns bother on arrears in salaries, pensions, severance and other benefits owed to them. What could pose further challenge are issues that hinges on the criteria to be adopted in choosing those to be retained and those to be laid off. This become an issue when most of them were retained to keep the business going even when their severance allowances had been paid with the hope that they will be reabsorbed. This might create room for sabotage from disappointed staff.(Olorunkanmi 2014). Most of these challenges brought about thevarious reforms in the power sector.
For a nation to be in a phase of development, there must be some pre-requisites, which include socio-political and economic stability. Nigeria has not been able to engender meaningful development in spite of her huge resources endowment. This has greatly affected her quest to improve quality of life of her citizens. In order to successfully enhance meaningful development, effective strategies must be evolved. Here, the undisputed role of the media must be incorporated into the process. (Tolu and Abe 2001). These challenges brought about the various reforms in the power sector.
In spite acknowledging the significance of the role of the media in development, it is underlined with some issues and challenges as well because as Ugwu (2010) observes, the general journalistic practice in Nigeria is threatened with numerous challenges and are crippling its prospects in developmental processes.
The Nigerian media, since the return of democracy in 1999, has been enjoying a considerable degree of autonomy and freedom to air their news without fear of persecution. Although, Nigerian media most often lay claim to professional tenets of objectivity, neutrality, impartiality,however,it is doubtful whether it could be said that Nigerian media practice is professional in the real sense of it as there are many factors militating against its professional ethics and hinders their roles in developmental. Momoh (2005:11), contrarily posits that, evaluatingNigerian media practice, one would not but agreewith the view expressed by Adaja (2011) that, “Nigerian media cannot be fully referred to as a profession with a credible degree of professionalism”. The Nigeria Union of Journalists though, parades a Code of Conduct in its ArticleI,which referred the union as a professional body. (Nnaemeka et al, 1989:276). The Code, however, failed to statethe extent of professional knowledge to be imbibed by its members.
The membership provision was so loose that anybody that has anything to do with media practice can call him/herself a Journalist. The provision provides for Public Relations Officers, Practitioners, editorial staff, and those who had completed a probationary period of only 12 months to be called Journalists without stating any minimum qualifications. Also, no acceptable body to all the stakeholders was established to trainand regulate the practice of Journalism and enforce it rules and regulations in Nigeria as seen in other countries. For example, in 1952, Britain established the National Council for the Training of Journalists (BNCTJ). The body was charged with the task of securing minimumstandards for journalism practitioners. The body, subsequently, introduced a qualifying examination, a proficiency test, as a measure of control and career advancement. Thus, Boyd-Barret (1980:323) acknowledges that;   The purpose of the proficiency test was to indicate the completion of training during the apprenticeship period and to qualify the holder of a proficiency certificate for an advancement course to the status of senior journalist and its associated salary advantages.
The British National Council for the Training of Journalists (BNCTJ) provides that candidates must have passed four basic subjects: English language, law, public administration and shorthand before such candidate can be admitted to be trained as a journalist. At the same time, qualified candidates were expected to complete a 30 months training period. This is very much unlike the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) provision of just 12 months training period, without any qualifying examination; giving room for loose “entry regulations” for unskilled and amateur practitioners. (Nnaemeka et al, 1989). This has characterized media practice in Nigeria by flaws preventing it from being referred to as a professional body lacking the crucibles to embark on developmental tasks.
For instance, Nnaemeka et al (1989),asserts that, the first newspaper established in Nigeria, “IweIroyin fun Awon AraEgbaati Yoruba” was started by Rev. Henry Townsend who never had the opportunity of attending a school of Journalism or subscribed to any known body of knowledge and never practiced journalism. The closest experience he had was that he “watched” his brother established a newspaper in one of the British Colonies before coming to Nigeria and followed suit. Thus, the foundation of several media corporations in Nigeria was erected on such wrong footing, and, if the foundation (of journalism) be weak, the practical sense of it is only haphazard.
It can be deduced that, for newspapers to live up to its expectations in development,practitioners need to acquire appropriate knowledge and skills to perform its constituted role.They must be properly “schooled” in the art and science of journalism. The art and science of journalism involves news detecting,gathering,sorting,processing and eventual dissemination.Anything otherwise, will jeopardize professional practice. It is instructive to state that, newspapers do not operate or function in a vacuum. The society ascribes certain social responsibilities to them which,neophytes or novices cannot adequately understand. Only those who are sufficiently trained and grounded in journalism or mass communication can perform these functions satisfactorily.
Another major challenge facing the Nigerian newspapers is one identified by Momoh (2005) who asserts that the Nigerian newspapers have been in perpetual flux, drifting from neutrality to part is an politics both in the period preceding independence and after. No doubt, before independence, Nigerian newspapers landscape was polarized along ownership structure, yet worked together to fight a common enemy, the colonial master, in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s for common interest and development of the country. However, the creation of the three regions brought about ownership rivalry, party affiliation and promotion of regional interest rather than national development. Newspaper organizations in this period jettisoned their professional tenets of neutrality, objectivity,impartiality andtook on the garb of partisan politics. The Nigerian newspapers shifted allegiance to owners, regions as well as the dominant party or government of the region. Hence, newspaper organizations became divided along ethnic and party lines. Thus, journalists and newspaper establishments became politically minded to the extent that most of the allusions attributed to their professional standards were consigned into the dustbin.Politicians and the elites have over the last two decades, dominated and manipulated the media especially the print media to their own advantage and at the detriment of the generality of the populace.(Rauf et al 2013). Newspaper organizations consequently gave more attention to political issues that matters to government, owners, sponsors or parties than developmental issues in the country leading to more problems of regional divides, underdevelopment and staging attacks and criticism against opponents by politicians. (Adaja 2012). In other words, the Nigerian newspapers shifted attention to political matters than developmental matters, giving more prominence to politics in their agenda over other issues.
For instance, Jimoh (2013) holds that while economic downcast needed serious media attention, the Nigeria media,particularly the print media were rather obsessed with the Jonathan-Amaechi inordinate and political ambitious war, BamangaTukur-Governors drama or the Jonathan and Obasanjo pretense. These and othercommuniqué politicalissues were what the Nigerian media devoted time to, at the detriment of salient developmental issues at stake. (Jimoh 2013). In a society like Nigeria, with the tendency of the Politicians owning and controlling the media, it may not be too difficult to conclude that Politicians dictate the pattern of media practice and its disposition, attitude and preponderances of practitioners, givingpolitical narration the edge over other issues. The debate over who actually sets the agenda between the newspapers and the politicianshas not seized.
Again, investigative journalism as a major attribute of newspaper’s role in development has metamorphosed into a formidable tool for exposing facts and secrets which governments, institutions, organizations or individuals would naturally try to obscure from the public. It must be noted that fact finding and fact giving are among the basicgoals of media. Nigeria newspapers, often at time, give more attentionto entertaining their audience while losing sight of their investigative ethics allowing corrupt government, organizations and individuals reap the public of their right without been held accountable or punish.Ugwu (2010) observes that the practice of investigative journalism in a developing nation like Nigeria is threatened with numerous challenges crippling its prospects. Furthermore, the liberalization and commercialization policy of the federal government of the 1980s and1990s threw a lot of challenges to the professional standards of media practices in Nigeria. The policy made all forms of news coverage to be evaluated from the commercial point of view. The impact of the policy became noticeable on journalists sense of news judgment, especially in the print and broadcast media. News and events not sponsored (especially by government agencies) were hardly aired and given low priority.According to Oso (2012) cited in Adaja (2012): The Journalist is not allowed the autonomy and detachment required for the practice of his trade. His professional judgement has been compromised. The sale of news is killing professionalism in Nigerian journalistic practice. Of a truth, commercialization of news has contributed to the dearth of serious journalism in Nigerian Press and Broadcasting. The commercialization phenomenon poses a grievous challenge to the credibility and sources of the news stories reported by the print and broadcast media because stories and events are usually arranged to suit sponsors, media owners or certain personalities or group. For instance, the policy has made it possible for news to be sourced or sponsored by media agencies in the country such as the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN). Private media outlet sourcing for news, seekingaccess top government officials for interview, most times make compromise,which logically translate into private media doing the bidding of the government. The commercialization policy also made media organizations shift much of their primary objective tothe media economy, in that, news reportage by media organizations is done with a motive of making financial gains since they also pay for news they source from top public relation agencies. (Oso,2012)
This is why Adebanwi (2004), accepts Bagdanor’s (1991) opinion that, the dominant flow of the news commercialization process and political communication in the mass media eventually becomes the definer of what is significant in the economy realm of any society.Thus, studies on mass media in Nigeria have further shown that news commercialization often lead to media manipulation (framing) of issues to promote certain interest. Galadima and Soola, (2012) note that, one most notable problem with Nigerian media is that of manipulation. Manipulation involves framing of stories, news or issues and disseminated to the public with a misrepresented view. Manipulating an issue depends on the ranking or priority given to such through the media agenda setting which Adebanwi (2004), cited in Galadima and Soola (2012), agrees, is an art mostly engaged by governments and certain class of people in the society.
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
The power sector has come under serious and persistent scrutiny from the masses especially in recent time. This is because the epileptic nature of the power sector has affected economic and social development in Nigeria and this situation has persisted for some decade now. It is against this backdrop that successive administrations (military and democratic governments) have sought for appropriate reforms to address the dilemma in the power sector. In 2013, the President Goodluck Jonathan’s government embarked on One Hundred Percent (100%) deregulation of the power sector; a reform the government believes will fully revamp the power sector. As a national reform, it was expedient to attract full attention of the media especially the newspapers’. Onabanjo (2011) submits that despite the huge evolution expected in the power sector deregulation reform, little attention was however accorded to it by the newspapers’. The low coverage of the reform resulted in the lack-luster support for the entire reform as many citizenries are not properly acquainted with the reform and are irked by the negative trends in the power sector. Why a sensitive national reform of that magnitude was not adequately covered by the media especially the newspapers’ which areseen rightly as part of the societal mirror became the question. To what extent did the low coverage by newspapers’ affected implementation of the deregulation reform in the power sector? This study will attempt to carry out a detailed assessment with the view to enhancing the continuity of the power sector reform in Nigeria.
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The aim of the study is to determine the roles of the Guardian and Vanguard newspapers with the view to enhancing newspapers coverage of the deregulation of the power sector reform in Nigeria.
- To ascertain the degree of prominence accorded to deregulation of the power sector reform news.
- To investigate sources of news and information published on deregulation of the power sector.
- To examine the most emphasized deregulation subject matter in the Nigerian Newspapers.
- To explain the extent of independence of the newspapers in their investigative journalism role.
1.4 Research Questions
Base on the above objectives, the study seeks to answers to the following research questions:(a)What is the degree of prominence the Nigerian newspapers accorded to coverage of deregulation of the sector?
- What are the sources of news the selected Nigerian newspapers used to acquire information they publish on deregulation of the power sector?
- What deregulation subject matter is the most emphasized in Nigerian newspapers?
- Did the Nigerian newspapers observe the investigative journalism role while reporting on deregulation of the power sector?
1.5 Significance of the Study
The significance of the work is manifold in the sense that informationhas become part and parcel of our daily lives,andshapes our opinion as well as influences our interest, arrests our attention and most importantly, compels us to act or make valuable decisions.Thus,a major significanceof the study is that itespouses the value of information and communication for development by re-appraising the role of media in the development of the Nigerian power sector. The mediacan be positioned to look into the entire power sector chain-value including generation, transmission and distribution with a view of identifying what the problems in the power sector.
This studyfurther highlights the importance of the power sector by making the masses realize the essence of regular and stable power to national development and encouraging the media to adequately report and challenge key decision makers in the sector on why the policy of deregulation worked in other sectors but lagging in the power sector.
The studywill also serve as an illuminant to key decision makers and new investors in Nigeria’s economicdevelopment on the importance of the media in achieving positive development.In addition, to the fact that the study contribute to the body of existing knowledge, on the roleof media in development,as well as stimulate further worksand serve as a body of literature to other researchers on the role of newspapers in development.
It also brings to fore the weakness of the deregulation policies in the Nigerian power sector, discussing the perceived role of the government, organized private sectors and the general masses in the ailing power supply in the country. The study brings into light the attention the Nigeria newspapers placed on the deregulation of the power sector in the national agenda and the extent to which the newspapers report on general issues emanating from the deregulation of the power sector. Hence, the research provide some tips on how the media particularly the newspapers can contribute to development in the power sector which in turn contributes to national development.
1.6 Scope of the Study
For the purpose of time and material consumption, the limit and area of coverage of this study will be limited to the Guardian and the Vanguard newspapers coverage of deregulation of the power sector reform. In other words, only articles, publications, editorials and stories published in these newspapers on the deregulation of the power sector reform were treated but limited in scope, with specific emphasis on the newspapers editions of the months of 1stOctober (2013) to 31stApril (2014). These specific months were sampled because it marks the period which the power sector was fully deregulated.
1.7 Limitations of the Study
In the course of the study, certain challenges were encountered. These limitations are stated as follows:
Time constraint was a limitation in the sense that much time was spent on the attempt to identify and use a suitable methodology for the study. Most of the respondents approached while conducting the interview were not willing to be interviewed.
Never the less, the attitude of some library staffs that were unwilling to assist in retrieving the needed newspapers for analysis also contributed to the limitation which led to more time consumption.
1.8 Definition of Terms
Media:Media as conceived by Dutton et al (1998) simply refers to the channel of communication that involves transmitting information in some way, shape or form that make meaning to an audience. The term “media” includes the whole range of communication mediums such as, television, camera, video, radio, advertising, newspapers, magazines, journals, music, computer games and the internet. All these put together constitute “the mass media”.
Development:F.G Fowler and H.W. Fowler (2001), conceive development as “a new stage in a changing situation that impact on the well being of a people”. To develop is to become more advanced.
Deregulation: According to George Stigler (1981), defined deregulation as a government or a state’s withdrawal of it legal powers and control to direct the economic conduct of an entity it willed out (such as pricing, entry and exit) to non-governmental bodies.
This material content is developed to serve as a GUIDE for students to conduct academic research
MEDIA IN DEVELOPMENT: A STUDY OF THE GUARDIAN AND VANGUARD NEWSPAPERS COVERAGE OF THE POWER SECTOR REFORM IN NIGERIA (FROM 1ST OCTOBER, 2013 – 31ST APRIL, 2014)>
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