MILITARY DISENGAGEMENT FROM NIGERIAN POLITICS AND IT IMPACT ON DEMOCRACY

Abstract

This study examined the military as an institution and its role in democratic succession in Nigeria. The study articulated on how various republics in Nigeria failed and what role the military played during these periods. The study relied primary and secondary data sources, which includes periodicals, questionnaire and other archival documents that provided the required information for the discourse. Data gathered were analyzed through content analysis. Critical and logical analysis of data attested that the military had played the role of distractive force in Nigeria’s democratization process. The military institution presented itself and acted in most occasions as a false custodian of democratic principles by initiating and implementing flawed elections for transition. However, emerging facts further suggest that these democratic principles and arrangements put in place by the military were usually faulty and inadequate for sustainable democratic governance to thrive on. Most general elections organized by the military to transit power have been descriptive of milidemocray, where previous military officers acquire democratic power through stage managed processes.

 

TABLE OF CONTENT

Title page

Approval page

Dedication

Acknowledgment

Abstract

Table of content

CHAPETR ONE

1.0   INTRODUCTION 

1.1        Background of the study

1.2        Statement of problem

1.3        Objective of the study

1.4        Research Hypotheses

1.5        Significance of the study

1.6        Scope and limitation of the study

1.7       Definition of terms

1.8       Organization of the study

CHAPETR TWO

2.0   LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPETR THREE

3.0        Research methodology

3.1    sources of data collection

3.3        Population of the study

3.4        Sampling and sampling distribution

3.5        Validation of research instrument

3.6        Method of data analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introductions

4.2 Data analysis

CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 Introduction

5.2 Summary

5.3 Conclusion

5.4 Recommendation

Appendix

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the study

‘The impending demise of Nigeria’s forthcoming Third Republic’ was the title of an article by a Nigerian scholar published a year or two before the military government was due to hand over to an elected civilian administration (Agbese 1990). Seldom have a social scientist’s predictions been so rapidly fulfilled, General Babangida aborting the Third Republic before it began by declaring the 1993 Presidential elections invalid. For in Nigeria, as in most other African countries, the military establishment and other repressive apparatuses of the state continue to be the single most important obstacle to transition to democracy. Even in retreat, they are formidably equipped to block political reform; to re-intervene to reverse it, as in Nigeria; to dictate the terms and conditions under which the return to con-stitutional government takes place; or (where the military itself falls apart as in Somalia or Liberia) to swamp democratization in a tide of armed conflict between warring factions. This article focuses on some of the political and policy problems associated with efforts to bring the military under democratic control. It starts with an appraisal of the democratic transitions now occurring in Africa: how widespread are they, how likely are they to take root and what different historical routes have they taken? It argues that in a number of states, perhaps the majority, the door to democracy was opened, not by donor pressures or by the policy choices of military and political élites, but through ‘demilitarization by default’, i.e. military reductions forced by economic decline and the withdrawal of foreign military support after the end of the Cold War; which weakened the resolve and capacity of authoritarian regimes to stay in power when faced by popular resistance. Since her independence in October I 1960 one of the political problems faced by Nigeria has been the issue of succession from one democratically elected regime to another. Up to the present time, there have been four stretches of civilian democratic governance and republics (1963 – 1966, 1979 – 1983, 1993 and 1999 – Present) which were intermittently disrupted by some military, political, economic and social forces in 1966, 1983, and 1993. Prominent among these forces is military intrusion and coup d’état which has continually contributed to the breaks in linkages between the civilian governments. From observation, democratic transition and succession in Nigeria like in most developing countries has been descriptively problematic. This notion makes sense when the term “succession” is viewed from the democratic point of view. Succession1 could be classified into orderly or regular and disorderly or irregular. This debate on transition and succession looms large on the Nigerian political landscape as it occupies an important place in the country’s political agenda. Transition to democracy in Nigeria may be viewed partly as a historically inevitable response to transition from non-democratic military regimes in most cases. Nigeria has pursued elaborate transitions to democracy which in effect amounted to a gradual political disengagement of the military from governance. However, what is important at the present state of Nigeria polity is sustainable democratic governance that the country deserves. Against this background, this paper articulates the place of military2 institution in democratic transition and succession in Nigeria.  Since her independence in October I 1960 one of the political problems faced by Nigeria has been the issue of succession from one democratically elected regime to another. Up to the present time, there have been four stretches of civilian democratic governance and republics (1963 – 1966, 1979 – 1983, 1993 and 1999 – Present) which were intermittently disrupted by some military, political, economic and social forces in 1966, 1983, and 1993. Prominent among these forces is military intrusion and coup d’état which has continually contributed to the breaks in linkages between the civilian governments. From observation, democratic transition and succession in Nigeria like in most developing countries has been descriptively problematic. This notion makes sense when the term “succession” is viewed from the democratic point of view. Succession could be classified into orderly or regular and disorderly or irregular. This debate on transition and succession looms large on the Nigerian political landscape as it occupies an important place in the country’s political agenda. Transition to democracy in Nigeria may be viewed partly as a historically inevitable response to transition from non-democratic military regimes in most cases. Nigeria has pursued elaborate transitions to democracy which in effect amounted to a gradual political disengagement of the military from governance. However, what is important at the present state of Nigeria polity is sustainable democratic governance that the country deserves. Against this background, this paper articulates the place of military institution in democratic transition and succession in Nigeria. Abacha’s regime however marked the end of the shortest lived “quasi civilian” government and third republic of Nigeria. The regime saw to the re-composition of a military rule, the scrapping of all democratic institutions, and the replacement of the ING by a Provisional Ruling Council, (PRC) and Federal Executive Council (FEC). Abacha’s initial declared agenda was ominously reticent about a timetable for the military’s political disengagement in politics. He set up the machinery for a promised constitutional conference, which was a gesture to capture the long standing demand of pro-democracy groups call for a National Conference. Establishment of a new transition by him was predictably disappointing to those who had expected him to install Chief MKO Abiola as the President of the country. Gen. Abacha’s attempts to generate public support for his coup could hardly eclipse the pervasive feeling of despair over the collapse of a transition project that had gulped an estimated N30 billion (Suberu, 1997), and some of the enraged third Republic Senators viewed him as masking under excuses. There were uncertified allegations that the then military head of state sole financed the registered political parties (NCPN, GDM, DPN, etc.) for a selfsuccession bid. There were traces of “fake transition” beginning from “transition without end “(Diamond, et al 1997). In cognizance of the intentions of General Abacha, Rtd. Gen. Yar Adua and Gen. Obasanjo found themselves crisscrossing the country and mobilizing for one political project or another, either against Abacha’s self-succession scheme, or continuing with their shadow-boxing in preparation for a political race about to be declared open (Adekanye, 1999; 192). After the tortious years of Abacha’s transition, his death marked the end of his bold self-succession attempts at retuning Nigeria to democratically elected civilian government. Until June 1998, when General Abdulsalam Abubakar became Nigeria’s new head of state following Gen. Abacha’s death, the progress in the transition programme from military to civilian rule had been about one scheme in self-succession or the other. Unlike the previous regime, Gen. Ababakar’s transition plan that lasted shorter than two years, consolidated and sharpened up the way towards democratic transition in Nigeria. Gen. Abubakar proved to be honest and determined to relinquish power to the democratically elected civilians, which was initially doubtful to many Nigerians. Ultimately, on Feb. 27th 1999, he was proven to be truthful in keeping to his mandate, inspective of all odds by holding a presidential election without controversy. This momentous and bold step of Gen. Abubakar signaled the positive end of his military regime and the beginning of the fourth republic on 27th May 1999

 

• STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The military is the collectivity of trained, armed personnel available to the government for taking part in armed conflict. In the past this meant land and sea forces. Today, of course, the military includes submarine, amphibious, airborne as well as special and air forces. The nature of military participation in politics depends on the type of political system that exists in a given society. In feudal society, there was no standing army, so the army participated in politics only during the time of crisis. With the emergence of modern nation-states, the role of military in politics changed dramatically. Though the extent and degree of military involvement in politics vary from one state to another, generally there is no state in the world where the military is in existence and is not involved in politics. For instance defending the state against external aggression and suppressing internal subversion. These, however, are functional roles, and the military can undertake them only when asked to do so by the political regime. It is in view of the above that the researcher intends to investigate military disengagement from Nigerian politics and it impact on democracy.

 

• OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The main objective of this study is to examine military disengagement from Nigerian politics and it impact on democracy; but to aid the completion of the study, the researcher intend ton achieve the following specific objectives;

1. To examine the impact of military disengagement from Nigerian politics
2. To examine the effect of military disengagement from Nigerian politics and it impact in Nigerian democracy

• To examine the role of Nigerian military in the consolidation of Nigeria democratic institutions

1. To access the role of the military in Nigeria’s 4^th republic in consolidating democracy
   • RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

The following research hypotheses were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;

H₀: military disengagement from Nigerian politics does not have any significant impact on the growth of Nigeria’s democracy

H₁: military disengagement from Nigerian politics does have a significant impact on the growth of Nigeria’s democracy

H₀: Nigerian military does not play any significant role in the consolidation of Nigeria democratic institutions

H₂: Nigerian military does play a significant role in the consolidation of Nigeria democratic institutions

• SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

It is believed that at the completion of the study, the findings will be of great importance to the management of political science department across higher institutions in Nigeria as the study will add to the pool of existing literature on the subject matter, the study will also be of importance to researchers who intend to embark on a study in a similar topic as the study will serve as a pathfinder to further research , the study will also be of great importance to students, teachers, lecturers, academia’s and the general public as the study will contribute to knowledge and also add to the pool of existing literature.

 

• SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers military disengagement from Nigerian politics and it impact on democracy. But in the cause of the study, there are some constrain that limited the scope of the study;

1. a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
2. b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
3. c) Finance: Limited Access to the required finance makes it difficult to broaden the scope of the study;

1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

Military

A military or an armed force is a professional organization formally authorized by a sovereign state to use lethal or deadly force and weapons to support the interests of the state

 

Politics

The activities associated with the governance of a country or area, especially the debate between parties having power

Democracy

Democracy, in modern usage, has three senses – all for a system of government where the citizens exercise power by voting

Pro-democracy

Denoting or relating to political activism directed towards the establishment of democratic government in a country

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding.  Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study

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