ABSTRACT
The issue of gender in contemporary politics has attracted interests globally, across different endeavours, especially in relation to women. This could be attributed to the fact that politics is a major pillar that upholds any society in the act of governance. Throughout time, the recognition and relevance of women as positive contributors to political development has been universally acknowledged. “The United Nations has been at the forefront, pioneering the mainstreaming of gender perspective into the development strategies and planning of member states.” Progress made so far however, leaves a lot more to be desired. This study focuses on general issues that border on gender in relation to Nnewi women and politics in Nigeria from 1999 – 2015. Particularly, it examines the roles and contributions Nnewi women have played and made, respectively, towards socio-political development in Nnewi and Nigeria at large. It adopts the qualitative and quantitative methods of research in analysing historical events bothering on these women within the scope of study. In the course of this research, it was discovered that Nnewi women recorded a low percentage in political offices, especially in respect to elective and appointive positions as a result of various factors. Such factors which include but not limited to election rigging, women issues, the negative godfather concept, the masculine nature of politics and poverty, have stood in the way to women’s political ambitions. To offer solution however, the study recommends that adequate policy measures must be taken by the institutions/parties involved in governance, in other to witness more political seats being graced by these women at all levels of government. This will ensure that both gender interests are well represented, promoting peace and harmony needed for adequate growth, as the goal of development in any given society is a collective task.
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Nnewi history dates back to the 1400s.1 It is one of the largest towns in Anambra State, South-eastern Nigeria. On a historical note, Nnewi was the headquarters of the Southern Onitsha District which by 1976 metamorphosed into Nnewi Local Division comprising of 14 towns. As a metropolitan city, Nnewi encompasses four Local Government Areas namely, Nnewi-North, Nnewi-South, Ekwusigo and Ihiala Local Government.2
However, the focus of this research would be on Nnewi-North local government area which
is commonly referred to as Nnewi central or Nnewi town. In the 20th century, through the instrumentality of Nnewi Town Union known as Nzuko Ora Nnewi, a framework was established under which Nnewi will be administered communally, comprising of four quarters – Otolo, Uruagu,Umudim and Nnewichi.3 Each of these communities is traditionally headed by an ‘Obi’ namely, Obi of Otolo, Obi of Uruagu, Obi of Umudim and Obi of Nnewichi. According to Emmanuel U. Obienu, in about 1956, there was the need for Nnewi to have a representative in the Eastern Region House of Chiefs. It was mutually agreed and resolved that the Obi of Otolo became the ‘Igwe’ (traditional ruler) of Nnewi.4 Nnewi-North comprises of ten political ward units which includes, Otolo wards I, II and III: Uruagu wards I, II and III; Umudim wards I and II; and Nnewichi wards I and II.5
As of 2006, Nnewi had an estimated population of 391,227.6 The town spans over
1,076.9 square miles (2,789km2) of rain forest alluvial land. Nnewi town is located about 21 kilometres South east of River Niger at Onitsha. Edo is the supreme deity of all the deities in the area which has historical links with the Idemili deity. The Edo shrine is located at Nkwo Nnewi and the four quarters(Otolo, Uruagu, Umudim and Nnewichi) are believed to be the sons of Edo, Otolo being the eldest and Nnewichi being the youngest. Each of the quarters is divided into family units known as the Umunna and each Umunna had a first family known as Obi, which is recognised as the head. However, that of Otolo is recognised as the Igwe of Nnewi as Otolo is recognised as the eldest son followed by Uruagu and then Umudim and Nnewichi respectively.7 Religiously, majority of her population practice Christianity and/or African Traditional Religion (ATR).
Since the beginning of the pre-colonial period, Nigerian women in general and Nnewi women in particular, have made tremendous contributions to the socio-political development of the country. The colonial period witnessed a major decline in the political participation and contribution of these women. As a result of the colonial patriarchal system which emphasized on exclusive dealings with the male population, women were sidelined. However, the post colonial era began to see an increased participation of women in politics once again. The colonial authorities traced the attainment of their political desires to a direct dealing with men alone rather than the inclusion of women in socio-political affairs. One may point out that the level of education of women at the time was a serious limitation to women’s involvement in politics as the colonial patriarchal system had also discriminated against the women in educational empowerment with their excessive focus on the male folk.8
Emphatically, the degrading position of women during colonial rule was what directly led to the Women’s War of 1929, which marked a significant development in the political history of Nigeria as it established relevance of women generally. One could argue that this
marked a starting point in the precedent relevant roles women have continued to play in the political development of Nigeria. In the concluding years of colonial rule, some Nigerian women soon found themselves as activists seeking rapid political development of the entire Nigerian citizenry. Amongst such women activists were Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, Mrs Magret Ekpo, Mrs Adunni Oluwole, etcetera. The latter was said to have formed a political party known as The Nigerian Commoner’s Party which contributed significantly to women’s participation in politics until Nigeria’s independence in 1960. This party had opposed the rapid transfer of power to Nigerians at the price of dictatorship of some individuals over the others.9 Late Fumilayo Ransome Kuti on the other hand was another strong representer of the female folk in politics of the early years of Nigeria’s struggle for independence. She was known for her campaign against the subjugation of Nigerian women under colonial administration.10 In 1947, Mrs Kuti was the only female member of the National Council for Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) delegate to London to protest against the Richard Constitution, as she was an executive member of the Party at the regional and national level. In London, she was said to have abandoned this course and went ahead to address a press conference on the impoverished state of most Nigerian women. This act alone was accompanied by great criticism from most of her male colleagues.11 She advocated for women franchise and education of the girl-child. Her political activism led to her being described as the ‘doyen of female rights’ in Nigeria. In 1953, she founded the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Society, which subsequently formed an alliance with the Women’s International Democratic Federation.12 These afore mentioned women activists laid the foundation for the active roles subsequently played by women in the political development of the country.
Historical evidence has shown that Nnewi women particularly in politics, have not been left out in this development course. Prior to 1999, they played crucial roles in the political affairs of Nnewi town and contributed in no small measure in shaping the political
system of Nigeria. Examples of such Nnewi women include Calista Nkiru Adimachukwu, Virgy Etiaba, Christy Ikedife, Rita Maduagwu and Nkoli Okoli amongst others, who were known for their efforts in the mobilization of the people of Nnewi to come out en mass and vote into power elected representatives who would govern them, during the 1999 elections and subsequently. The study is aimed at appreciating these women’s effort in the political development of Nigeria.
The signing and ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women by the Nigerian government on the 13th of June 1985,13 brought a boost to women’s political ambition in the politics of Nnewi, Anambra State, Nigeria. In view of this and recent calls all over the world for women participation in politics, Nigerian women in general, and Nnewi women in particular, began to show keen interest in politics. With the enthronement of majority rule in Nigerian politics in 1999, women have continued to play significant roles in politics and national development.
The efforts and contributions of Nnewi women in politics of Nigeria cannot be overemphasized. Thus the role of Nnewi women in politics since 1999 to 2015 will be the central thrust of this research.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Generally, women’s political ambition in Nnewi is faced with various challenges. A historical glance of political developments in the area suggests that adequate mechanism to promote women’s involvement in the current democratic experiment which traces its origin to 1999 seems to have fallen short as various factors such as poverty, women issues, the negative godfather concept, election rigging, social practices that promote gender disparity remains a “cog in the wheel” of female participation in politics, resulting in their minimal representation in political offices.
Despite positive steps taken by the International Community such as the Declaration of Decade for Women and the Beijing Conference in the 20th century, aimed at the total integration of women into politics of the member-states14, the political ambition of women from Nnewi-north local government area in Anambra State, have remained limited to an extent. On this note, the principal problem of this study is to unearth the reasons for the limited representation of Nnewi women in elected political positions despite the enthronement of multi-party democracy in Nigeria from 1999-2015.
PURPOSE OF STUDY
The purpose of this research work is to first examine the roles of Nnewi women in the political development of the country while reviewing the Nigerian Government actions on the integration of women in politics. Secondly, the study will then identify the problems that militate against Nnewi women’s participation in key positions in Nigerian politics. On a final note, analysis of the subject will offer recommendations, aimed at encouraging more female representation in political offices.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of this study is in its capacity to make contributions to knowledge and incorporates the following;
– To appreciate the admirable values and virtues displayed by women of Igbo extraction with particular reference to Nnewi women in the development and service of the society.
– To encourage grass-root political awareness among Nnewi and Nigerian women in general.
– To challenge and encourage Nnewi women to take their place in key government positions in Nigerian politics.
– To expose the factors that militate against women participation in politics with a view to improving women’s political status.
– Finally, to serve as a knowledge source to students that study women in politics.
SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This research focuses on the roles of Nnewi women in politics. Nnewi is a town consisting of four autonomous communities – Otolo, Uruagu, Umudim and Nnewichi which makes up Nnewi-North Local Government Area in Anambra State, Nigeria. The time frame of this study is 1999 – 2015. The choice of 1999 was informed by the fact that it was in that year that the Fourth Republic officially commenced after long years of military regimes in Nigeria, which witnessed the massive involvement of Nnewi Women in active politics. 2015 as the terminal date was informed by the fact that it was in that year that the last administration left office, which ended another political dispensation that Nnewi women were actively involved in. Within the period of discourse for example, Virgy Etiaba amongst other women in politics had made history as the first woman governor in Anambra State and Nigeria at large, which is a great historical landmark.
METHODOLOGY AND SOURCES OF DATA
Generally, the Qualitative and Quantitative approach was adopted in analyzing historical events (particularly the role of Nnewi women in politics from 1999-2015) at different stages of the study. Data collected in the course of this study were first interpreted before analyses were carried out descriptively. The result is the conclusion arrived at
particularly on the militating factors against Nnewi women’s participation in politics in general. On sources of data, both primary and secondary sources were put into use. The primary sources includes, oral interviews and original documents, while the secondary sources comprises of books, journal articles, newspapers, internet materials, dissertations, etc.
ORGANISATION OF STUDY
The study is organized into seven chapters as follows: Chapter one is the introductory aspect of the study; Chapter two looks at women in Nnewi socio-political affairs before 1999; Chapter three examines women, power and politics in Nnewi, 1999 – 2015; Chapter four showcases the profile of some female politicians in Nnewi, 1999 -2015; Chapter five exposes the problems militating against Nnewi women’s participation in politics, while Chapter six presents the summary, conclusion and recommendations.
THEORETICAL FRAMWORK
Theories are indeed a matter of perception among scholars. The study adopts the Gender Role Theory and Development Theory. The term “Gender Role” was first coined by John Money in 1955, during the course of his study of intersex individuals to describe the manners in which these individuals express their status as male or female. It is usually centred on perceptions of feminity and masculinity, although there are exceptions and variations. Generally, it relies on a set of societal norms dictating the types of behaviours which are considered acceptable, appropriate or desirable for people based on their actual or perceived sex or sexuality. For instance, because of the prevailing gender role of subordination, women were not granted the right to vote in many parts of the world until the
19th or 20th centuries. In Nigeria particularly, universal adult suffrage became a reality in the
1979 elections as women in the North were allowed to participate in the elections for the first time.15 Put in other words, gender roles refer to the cultural expectations according to an understood gender classification.16 The specifics, regarding these gendered expectations may vary substantially among cultures while other characteristics may be common throughout a range of cultures.17 The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines gender roles as socially constructed roles behaviours, activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women.18 Gender roles are usually culturally specific.
In most African countries like Nigeria, particularly in Igboland, descriptions of the structures of everyday life reveals the family as an institution that enacts gendered divisions of labour as it relegates most women to the private sphere and most men to the public sphere. A study of the implication of this normativity of the public/private distinctions between men and women indicates that as long as women’s natural social role consist in reproducing a private sphere of family, motherhood and marriage, their access to the public sphere of work, decision making, law making, knowledge production, culture production and politics will remain minimal.19 The case has not been different for women from Nnewi-North Local Government Area of Anambra State Nigeria, either as individuals or as a group/class. Their relegation to the private sphere by the society has indeed induced their minimal access to public political offices. Irrespective of this fact, Nnewi women have made tremendous contributions to the development of the country. Therefore, the central argument of gender role theory in the context of this study lies in the societal belief on proper roles and responsibilities assigned to each sex – male or female – which have come to relegate Nnewi women mostly to the private sphere of activities and Nnewi men to the public sphere.
However, gender role theory leaves room for change in gender relations, provided that the social structures and conventions which construct gender roles changes.20 Thus, in
line with this, the study advocates for more liberal gender roles dispensation and opportunity for both sexes – male and female – in the private and public spheres in other to ensure a gender balanced representation in the society.
Development theory generally connotes how a desirable change in a society is best achieved. While such writer as Martinussen J.21 treats Development theory primarily as part of social science emphasizing the influence of classical economic and social thoughts; others such as A.G. Frank22, view it (Development theory) mainly as a political ideology which deals with setting agenda, framing priorities, building coalitions, justifying policies amongst others. In the contextual approach to development theory, both political and social contexts count.23 According to Bjorn Hettne24, development in the modern sense implies intentional social changes in accordance with societal objectives. Development Theory constitutes an organized intervention in collective affairs according to a certain standard of improvement. This varies according to class, culture, historical context and relations of power. For Development theory to be significant, socio-political forces must carry it and for it to be carried by socio-political forces, it must match their world view and articulate their interest as well as serve an ideological function.25 The importance of women in development is no longer recognised by a minority rather by a majority.
In retrospect, prior to the emergence of Women in Development (WID) process during the 1970s, the objective was to improve women’s welfare in terms of their conventional reproductive roles. Development projects concentrated on literacy courses, home economies programmes, childcare and family planning activities; but with the onset of WID, the recognition of women in their multiple roles, especially their economic strives, sparked concerns which prevailed the 1990s. The 1990s witnessed a shift to Gender and Development (GAD) which focused more on the political aspects of development rather than the economic aspects in relation to both women and men. Development projects began to
view women as active participants in political development rather than passive recipients. Certain policy measures by national and international governments began to take shape emphasizing the need for women’s access to political positions, human capacity building trainings and sensitisation, etcetera; in order to improve their contributions as well as their capacity to benefit from developmental projects. The idea around GAD was that transformative change most especially in the political sphere, presupposes the empowerment of both gender and this empowerment requires awareness which is fed by knowledge.26
Therefore in recent times, efforts have been made by parties concerned towards pioneering
this conception into the politics of nation-state through awareness creation and sensitizations. The results have been impressive so far as we have witnessed more women from Nnewi- North extraction, participate more in political activities. Nnewi women in politics have played vital roles in the development process in Nigeria. Throughout the 20th century up through the present 21st century, various women in government have made effort to develop their society through their active participation in politics. Development efforts have sought a process of growth/progress into an advanced state and have featured Nnewi women voting in elections, campaigning for political parties and mobilizing voters, vying for political positions and what have you. It has also brought about increase in national income and improvement in the general quality of living. All these have contributed to the socio-political development of the country.
LITERATURE REVIEW
On a general note, women’s role in world politics has been a matter of perception amongst political scientists and scholars. Among Africanists, the Igbo speaking women of Nigeria are well known for their history of anti-colonial activism which was most demonstrated in the 1929 Women’s War against British colonialism.
Gloria Chuku27 observes that the colonial government perplexed by the magnitude of the women’s war, commissioned anthropologists/ethnographers to study the Igbo political system and the place of women in the Igbo society, with the view of having a better understanding of the Igbo in order to avoid a repeat of such wars. In her work, she analyzes the complexity and flexibility of gender relations in Igbo society with emphasis on such major cultural zones as Aniocha, Ngwa, Onitsha, Nsukka and Aro but failed to mention the significance of the 1929 Women War to the modern female politicians of Nnewi-North extraction which will be highlighted in this research.
Ngozi Ojiakor28 opines that as a subject of historical research, African women have been revealed as historic actors. She affirms that Igbo women’s organized and public political struggles are now well recognized especially after the Women War of 1929 in Nigeria. She further observes that the implication of the war was that for the first time in the history of Nigerian politics, women were able to display a high degree of militancy which was traditionally associated with male behaviour. The event according to her was an eye opener on the roles women could play in a revolution to foster change. This work affirms that women play crucial roles to bring about developmental changes in politics and will examine the roles played by Nnewi women politicians that has fostered political development in the country.
Weale29 argues that the term “political participation” though widely used within democratic theory, remains vague. He noted that while it is assumable that activities within a political party or an organisation which regards itself as a pressure group should count as political participation, activities in other sorts of organisations such as sports associations, local trade or market women’s associations for example, which are though not overtly political, but set the contexts of politics; give their active members administrative experience and opportunities to overt certain political actions which threaten their group interests.
Weale’s work points out the impart/effect of the activities of members of various non- political organisations on politics. This study affirms that Nnewi women through various organisations – political or non-political – have been accorded the privilege through such platforms to participate in politics of their given society and kick against any policy which do not represent their group interest or goal. Examples of such activities will be sited in the study.
Ada C. Okwuosa in “Sources of Women Political Powerlessness in Nigeria”30 asserts that culture poses a major constraint to women’s political life from childhood to adulthood, individually and as a group with the normativities of the public/private distinctions of men and women. To her, as long as women’s natural social roles consisted of reproducing a private sphere of family, motherhood and marriage, women’s access to the public sphere of work, law making, and politics remain minimal. Even though one can find little truth in Okwuosa’s analysis, being that some Nnewi women seems to have defiled this odd and are today well recognised across the State, Nigeria and the World at large; the writer however, laid so much emphasis on constraints rather than women’s roles. This work will highlight Nnewi women’s roles in politics.
Michael Crowder, in his book, A Short History of Nigeria,31 states that Igbo women even though they are perceived as the weaker sex, have politically refused to accept injustice with docility. Making reference to the Women’s War of 1929, he opines that the greatest significance of the event was that it was planned and executed by women who achieved a better and more effective organisation than the colonial administrators who had little clue on the capability of these women to bring about positive change in the society. Crowder’s work is relevant to this study because it showcases women’s ability to successfully plan and execute events that brings about desired change in the society. Thus, this work will showcase Nnewi women’s efforts at bringing about developmental changes in the politics of Nigeria.
In affirmation, J. O. Alutu, in Nnewi History From the Earliest Times to 1980/8232 states that Nnewi women through various women’s organisations have contributed to the socio-political developments which brought Nnewi town to limelight. From the earliest times, through the Omu (Association of Female Chiefs), Umuada (a political association of married daughters) and Otuu Umunwanyi Nnewi (Nnewi Women Association) amongst others, Nnewi women have engaged in various socio-political actions such as peace keeping, mobilization, moral/knowledge impart, protests/demonstrations in a bid to bring about developmental changes in Nnewi. Alutu’s work goes a long way to highlight the importance of Nnewi women as positive contributors to the socio-political sphere of Nnewi, Anambra State and Nigeria at large; which is the main thrust of this research. Although Alutus’s work terminated at 1982, the study will feature these positive contributions by Nnewi women politicians from thenceforth up to recent times.
According to Sarah Brewer, women are just as interested in politics as men, but for some reasons, their interests stop at running for office.33 The implication of this, according to her, is the fear of potential shortage of women leaders throughout the world. While one has to agree with Sarah on the grounds of studies done around the world which reveals that women appear to be less inclined to run for public offices than men, she however seems not to have outlined the reasons why women of this generation are quite discouraged in running for public offices; neither did she recommend ways of improving women’s interest in world politics. This work will not only expose the challenges faced by Nnewi women in politics which in turn discourage them from running for political offices, it will also make recommendations for their improved participation.
Nina Mba, in Nigerian Women Mobilized: Women Political Activities in Southern Nigeria 1900-1965,34 traces Igbo women’s participation in politics to the pre-colonial period. She opines that African women occupied a political position complementary rather than
subordinate to the men, adding that in some Igbo communities like Onitsha and Osomala, women exercised great political influence through the institution of Omu – Association of female chiefs. She however argues that their political action throughout the colonial period was mainly in defence of their economic interest and politics of survival. According to her, from mid 1950s through 1965, quite a number of vibrant women participated in politics but later felt alienated because of the general disreputable quality of the political system at the time.35 Her work extensively discusses the political roles of Igbo women in the pre-colonial era and also traces the reason for the decline in women political participation in the colonial era. While this work affirms that the patriarchal nature of colonial system saw a decline in women’s political participation, it also highlights other existing constraining factors in contemporary times such as godfatherism, election rigging, and women issues amongst others.
In “The Dual-Sex Political System in Operation: Igbo Women and Community Politics in Mid-Western Nigeria”, K. Okonjo36 argues that in Nigeria, particularly in the Igbo society, women’s lack of interest in political matters or more accurately, their invisibility in political offices is a legacy of colonial past. She posits that African women are aware of the course of event that have dispossessed and peripherized them and thus have sort reliable strategies in combating the situation. In this regard, Lindlon affirms that through manipulation, women engage in strategic planning, and thus mobilize needed resources and engage in certain actions that lead to institutional changes.37 According to the writer, these changes saw a little increase in their political participation. This study highlights the various strategic planning and mobilisation which Nnewi women engaged in that ushered in a certain level of increase in their political participation.
Joyce Gelb38 advocates for women in politics to be reformists and radicals. Buttressing her point, she explains that the reformists seek equality through freedom adding
that they do not have the intension of overthrowing the already existing system even when some elements of oppression and hostility to women’s self determination is perceived; on the other note, the radicals see society to be rooted in inequality in institutions of male domination which is usually rooted in biological differences and role. She advocates for the total transformation of the ideology and institutions of the existing society as the way out of altering the scarce representation of women in political offices. Gelb’s work is relevant to this study because it highlights the different notions, ideologies and strategies that inform the decisions of women generally while engaging in politics.
Cutrufeli in the book, Women of Africa, Roots of Oppression,39 affirms that women’s backwardness in global and African politics is traceable to colonialism, adding that African women were marginalized by European powers with their effective colonial occupation of the continent after Berlin Conference of 1884. This period saw the introduction of urbanisation, education and wage labour which consequently disrupted the traditional societal order, giving supremacy to the males. She stressed that this new system, apart from being culturally based on western social and political structure, it was fairly economic and with the male folk in control of the society as head of household as well as government leaders, the colonial ruler could have at his disposal an overseer of the production which was necessary for the sustenance of the metropolis. She opines that this necessitated the involvement of the African man in the new socio-political order. It was thus the men who went to school, joined the colonial administration and moved to the urbanized areas.40 Crutufeli’s work is relevant to this study because it tried to trace women’s backwardness in African politics to colonialism. In as much as this study agrees to this notion, Crutufeli’s work however leaves out the impressive developments which have occurred during the course of time, that have improved women political participation in contemporary times. The study will highlight these developments.
Okibe Hyginus Banko, in “Marginalization of Women by Women in the contest for Elective Positions in Nigeria: A Reconstruction Paradigm”, argues that over the years, Nigerian women have continued to record very poor performances in elective political offices due to the sentimental attachment of feminine gender.41 He noted that these women, despite being said to constitute over fifty-seven percent (57%) of the Nigerian electorate, less than twenty percent (20%) of political offices are held by women due to the prevalence of envy and jealousy among womenfolk. In his words, “…though many women are not politically ambitious, they readily show aversion to those of their peers that try to exhibit such disposition as they are naturally born jealous. Envy and jealousy are their common plague and they pose major hindrance to their efforts to unite for mutual political action.”42 This study affirms that women issues amongst others have posed a challenge to women’s political ambitions and it will further buttress this with examples.
Donna Pankhurst agrees with Cutrufeli, stating that colonialism through the manipulation of gender identities, worked against women’s participation in African politics in general. According to the writer, political relations between women and men in pre-colonial times were more evenly balanced than during colonialism.43 Their works (Pankhurst and Cutrufeli) however leaves out efforts and strategies that have been put in place in contemporary times to restore the pre-colonial gender relations in politics between the male and female folks. This work will address that, pointing out the essential actions taken by the Nigerian government and the international community towards ensuring the integration of Nnewi women particularly, in the political sphere of the country.
Lebeuf, in “The Roles of Women in the Political Organisation of Africa”,44 blames women’s low representation in African political offices on the nature of women’s entrance into political parties. He states that the men were the very first people to form political parties and the control of the party structure was equally male dominated. Many of the prominent
women in Nigeria on the other hand, began joining political parties with the co-opting of the women groups. The implication was that these groups did not join the parties by negotiating as equal partners but were regarded as members of the women’s wing; giving it a tag that seems inferior to the main stream leadership of the parties. Even though this study affirms that many African women joined political parties as members of women wing, this cannot be blamed for their scarcity in political offices, taking cognisance of the fact that some African women such as Mrs. Ransome Kuti amongst others formed and controlled women dominated political associations in the 1900s. This study will point out the fundamental challenges that stand in the way of these women’s political ambitions.
To Aida Aki,45 the past decade has seen increasing number of women occupying elected offices in the world at large. Citing countries like Switzerland, Germany, Mongolia, Liberia, Chile, and Bermuda amongst others, the writer posits that women have continued to be increasingly elected into political offices. A research indicates that Rwanda boasts of the world highest percentage of women legislators, with more than forty-eight percent (48%) of female representatives, followed by Sweden at forty-seven percent (47%) and Cuba at forty- three percent (43%). Aki’s work offers an insight on the remarkable increase in the number of female legislatures in other counties. However, in the face of this reality, Nigeria as at April
2015, witnessed a lower percentage in the number of female legislature representatives. Records have shown that out of the 360 members of the House of Representatives, only 14 were female46, leaving the female representation at 3.89%. This study will not only buttress the reality of these low figures within the period under review, it will also unearth the reasons for this low representation of the female gender.
Conclusively, although a lot of factors ranging from poverty, election rigging, socio- cultural disparities on gender roles amongst others constitute great challenges to women’s political participation, resulting in a lesser percentage of these women in elected political
positions; their roles in bringing about socio-political development in the society should not be underplayed. Nnewi women have made great contributions to the development of Nigerian politics through their political participation in the formation of political parties/organisations, political discussions/meetings, protests and public demonstrations, contesting for/holding political offices, counselling/mobilization of voters, and election campaign as well as monitoring amongst others. Most scholars have argued that these roles played by women are considered the bedrock of any political platform. In the course of reviewing literatures, it was observed that most of the works reviewed focused on issues bothering on women during the colonial era, completely eluding the changes that have taken place in recent times that informed the increase in these women’s political participation. Other reviewed works were quite specific in discussing political issues bothering on women in areas outside the scope of this study. The study will not only address these issues in its findings, it will also make possible recommendations aimed at curbing the effect of the challenges faced by these women in politics.
ENDNOTES
1 “Nnewi Town History and Tradition”, Nnewi Alphalite
<http://www.nnewialphalite.org/about/nnewi-town/history-and-tradition/> Accessed
23/8/2016.
2 “Nnewi Town History and Tradition”, Nnewi Alphalite
<http://www.nnewialphalite.org/about/nnewi-town/history-and-tradition/> Accessed
23/8/2016.
3 Okey C. Egbuna, 40+ Trader, Interviewed at the Nzuko Ora Nnewi Secretariat in Nnewi on
26th September, 2009, in Chikwendu, Chinyere Phillis, “The Nzuko Ora Nnewi in the Socio- Economic Development of Nnewi, 1996-2008”, An Unpublished B.A Project Presented in Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, 2010, 11.
4 Emmanuel U. Obienu, 70+ Lecturer(Rtd), Interviewed at his compound in Nnewi on 8th August, 2009, in Chikwendu, Chinyere Phillis, “The Nzuko Ora Nnewi in the Socio- Economic Development of Nnewi, 1996-2008”, 2010, 11.
5 INEC Records of LGA Names/Codes and Ward Names/Codes, 2015.
6 Nigeria Population Census, 2006.
7 E.L. Ezenwa, 60+ Trader, Interviewd at his compound in Enugu on 30th July, 2009, Chikwendu, Chinyere Phillis, “The Nzuko Ora Nnewi in the Socio-Economic Development of Nnewi, 1996-2008”, 2010, 12.
8 Chima Korieh, “The Invisible Farmer? Women, Gender and Colonial Agricultural Policy in the Igbo Region of Nigeria, c. 1913-1954”, in Chima Korieh, African Women: A Reader, United States: University Reader, 2009, 227-228.
9 “Olaniwun Adunni Oluwole”, <http://litcaf.com/olaniwun-adunni-oluwole/> Accessed
13/08/2016.
10 Hussaini Abdu, Women and Politics in Nigeria: Agenda for Political Participation,
Kaduna: Women in Nigeria Kaduna Chapter, 2001, 30.
11 Margaret Strobel, “Women Agitating Internationally for Change”, Journal of Women’s
History, Vol. 13, No. 2, 2001, 190-200.
12 “Funmilayo Ransom-kuti: Biography and Activism”,
<http://www.nigerianbiography.com/2015/10/funmilayo-ransome-kuti-biography-and.html>
Accessed on 13/08/2016.
13. United Nations Treaty Collections, “Convention on the Elimination of All forms of
Discrimination Against Women”, United Nations Treaty Series, Vol. 1249, 13.
<https://treaties.un.org/pages/viewdetails.aspx?_e_pi_=7%2CPAGE_ID10%2C3795094569>
Accessed 17/10/2016
14 UN Women, “World Conferences on Women”, <http://www.unwomen.org/en/how-we- work/intergovernmental-support/world-conferences-on-women> Accessed 23/09/2016.
15 Epiphany Azinge, “The Right to Vote in Nigeria: A Critical Commentary on the Open
Ballot System”, Journal of African Law, Vol 38 No. 2, 1994, 173.
16 J. Acker, “From Sex Roles to Gendered Institutions”’ Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews Vol. 21 No. 5, 1992, 565-569.
17 “Gender Role”,
<https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/gender_role?_e_pi_=7%2CPAGE_ID10%2C1228263543>
Accessed 17/10/2016.
18 WHO, “What Do We Mean by Sex and Gender?” World Health Organisation, 2015.
<http://apps.who.int/gender/whatisgender/en/> Accessed 18/10/2016.
19 Christopher Ochieze, “The Role of Women in the Politics of Southeast Geo-Political Zone of Nigeria, 1999-2007. An Unpublished M.A Work, University of Awka, 2010, 4.
20 “The Male Role – Gender Role Theory and Masculinity ( in R. W. Connell/Masculinity) http://culturalstudiesnow.blogspot.com/2011/07/male-role-gender-role-theory-and.html Accessed on 18/12/2016.
21 J. Martinussen, Society, State and Market: A guide to Competing Theories of Development, London: Zed 1997, in Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Development Theory: Deconstrictions/Reconstructions, London: Sage Publication Ltd, 2010, 2.
22 A.G. Frank, Sociology of Development and Understanding of Sociology, London, Pluto,
1971; in Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Development Theory: Deconstrictions/Reconstructions, London: Sage Publication Ltd, 2010, 3.
23 C. Leys, The Rise and Fall of Development Theory, London: James Currey and EAEP,
1996, 25-27.
24 Bjorn Hettne (ed), Sustainable Development in a Globalized World: Studies in
Development, Security and Culture, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, 6-30.
25 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Development Theory: Deconstrictions/Reconstructions, London: Sage Publication Ltd, 2010, 3.
26 United Nations, 1999 World Survey on the Roles of Women in Development: Globalization, Gender and Work, Dept Press: New York, 1999, 8-9.
27 Gloria Chuku, Igbo Women and Economic Transformation in Southeastern Nigeria 1900-
1960, United Kingdom: Routledge, 2015, 70-85.
28 Ngozi Ojiakor, “The Roles of Women in Igbo Politics 1960-1999”, An Unpublished Phd
Thesis, University of Nigeria 2006
29 Albert Weale, Democracy: Issues in Political Theory, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999,
84.
30 Ada C. Okwuosa, “Sources of Women Powerlessness in Nigeria”, in Ayonde, J.A.A and Nwabuzor, E.J and Sambo, A (eds) Women and Politics in Nigeria, Lagos/Oxford: Malthouse Press, 1992, 9-20.
31 Michael Crowder, A Short History of Nigeria, New York: A. Proeger Inc, 1963, 10-25.
32 J. O. Alutu, Nnewi History From the Earliest Times to 1980/82, Enugu: Fourth Dimention
Publishing Company, 1986, 140-142.
33 Sarah Brewer, “Women and Global Politics”, BBC Interview Programme, August 27,
2009, in Ochieze Christopher, “The Role of Women in the Politics of Southeast Geo-Political
Zone of Nigeria, 1999-2007. An Unpublished M.A Work, University of Awka, 2010, 12.
34 Nina Mba, Nigeria Women Mobilized: Women Political Activities in Southern Nigeria
1900-1965, Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1982, 70.
35 Nina Mba, Nigeria Women Mobilized, 70-71.
36 K. Okonjo, “The Dual-Sex political System in Operation: Igbo Women and Community Politics in Mid-Western Nigeria”, in Nafkins N. & Bay, Women in Africa, Standford California: Standard University Press, 1977, 20.
37 C. Lindlon, Politics and Markets, New York: Basil Book Ltd, 1977, 53-60, in Ochieze
Christopher, “The Role of Women in the Politics of Southeast Geo-Political Zone of Nigeria,
1999-2007. An Unpublished M.A Work, University of Awka, 2010, 11.
38 Joyce Gelb, “Feminist Organisational ‘Success’: The State of US Women’s Movement
Organisations in the 1990s”, Women and Politics, 21(4) 2000, 39-76.
39 Mike Cutrufeli, Women of Africa, Roots of Oppression, London: Zeb Books Ltd, 1983,
170.
40 Christopher Ochieze, “The Role of Women in the Politics of Southeast Geo-Political Zone of Nigeria, 1999-2007. An Unpublished M.A Work, University of Awka, 2010, 10.
41 Okibe Hyginus Banko, “Marginalization of Women by Women in the contest for Elective Positions in Nigeria: A Reconstruction Paradigm”, The International Journal of Humanities and Social Studies, 4(7) July 2016, 236-245.
42 Okibe Hyginus Banko, “Marginalization of Women by Women in the contest for Elective
Positions in Nigeria: A Reconstruction Paradigm”.
43 Donna Panktrust, Women and Politics in Africa: The Case of Uganda, New York: Praeger
Inc, 2000, 199-228.
44 A. Lebeuf, “The Role Of Women in the Political Organisation of Africa”, in Pauline D.
(edu) Women of Tropical Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1963, 17.
45 Aida F. Aki, “Women Span Hurdles in World Politics”, VOA News, June 26, 2008; in Ochieze Christopher, “The Role of Women in the Politics of Southeast Geo-Political Zone of Nigeria, 1999-2007. An Unpublished M.A Work, University of Awka, 2010, 10.
46 “Female House of Reps Members Reduced to 14”, News24,
<http://www.news24.com.ng/elections/news/female-reps-reduced-to-14-20150421> Accessed 02/11/2016
This material content is developed to serve as a GUIDE for students to conduct academic research
Project 4Topics Support Team Are Always (24/7) Online To Help You With Your Project
Chat Us on WhatsApp » 09132600555
DO YOU NEED CLARIFICATION? CALL OUR HELP DESK:
09132600555 (Country Code: +234)
YOU CAN REACH OUR SUPPORT TEAM VIA MAIL: [email protected]
09132600555 (Country Code: +234)