ABSTRACT
Inter-group relation is not an entirely new field in historiography. Scholars of different backgrounds have expressed divergent views on changes that have occurred in this area of study. Investigations and findings on the theme differ from epoch to epoch. Historically, social, political, cultural and economic considerations, account for changes in the nature and form of inter-group relations in human society. Igbo culture, custom, tradition, and belief systems are dynamic and heterogeneous. Facts of history contribute either to a hostile or harmonious relationship among individuals or groups. The Mbano of Imo State, South-eastern Nigeria appears to enjoy some peaceful and harmonious relationship with their neighbours, through their social interactions and economic relations, especially, through cultural festival, marriage, trade and agriculture, though not without occasional skirmishes. Given the nature of their relationship, this study investigates the factors at play in the society in the face of growing conflict in Igboland and Nigeria at large. Two factors account for the changes in the contour and dynamics of relations between the people. These inter-alia include colonial rule in the area beginning from 1906-1960 and the Nigeria-Biafra war, 1967-1970. The study examines the issues intrinsic in the changes brought by the two episodes to the form of relationship existing between Mbano and its neighbours. It therefore argues that common claim to history, ancestry and cultural ties account largely for the mutual relationship existing between the people, the impact of the two episodes notwithstanding. The work concludes that, in spite of the marked changes wrought on the society mainly through colonial administrative reorganisation, Western education, Christianity and the Nigeria-Biafra war, the people have maintained mutual relationship as people that share common ancestry. They have also continued to emphasize umune as a bond of unity among them and their neighbours. The cordiality of relationship between the people demonstrates the Igbo saying that, indeed, ‘peoples’ neighbours are their brothers/sisters’ -‘agbata obi madu wukwa umunne ha‘. The method adopted in the study combines both descriptive and historical narrative. Qualitative research methodology was used in the re-interpretation and analysis of verifiable information collected from different sources. The approach was interdisciplinary and presentation of findings was both chronological and thematic.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
Study of pre-colonial and colonial African society emphasise isolation and the general hostilities of one ethnic group or polity against the other. Existing colonial literature in their assessments of Africa wrongly classified pre-colonial and colonial African indigenous communities as immobile, stagnant and averse to change. It is to be stressed that in pre-colonial Africa, inter-relations were not caste-like or closed. Rather, there existed amalgams of proximate towns and community groups that related through various ways. The fulcrum of this study, Mbano in Igboland, is one case in point. Igboland is a territory in the south-eastern part ofNigeria, surrounded by such landmarks as the Cross River at the foot of the Cameroon Mountain in the east, the Kukuruku Hills in the west, the Benue River, and the great Atlantic Ocean in the Bight of Biafra in the south. Most significantly, Igboland lies on the plain near the delta of the famous Niger River!
Igboland has at its northern and northeastern borders, the Igala and the Idoma; in the west, the Edo; the Ijo in the south and the Ibibio in the east. Igboland includes the present Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo states and some parts of Delta, and a large part of what is today called Rivers State. In fact, Port Harcourt, by the Colonial Land Commission of 1952, was confirmed as in Igboland’. These different groups have had
‘E. Isichei, A History ofthe Igbo People, London: The Macmillan Press Ltd., 1976, p. 100
C.N. Ugwu, Ihiteafoukwu: The Echo ofIgbo Culture, Ibadan: Cypress, 2004, p. xiii
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one form of interaction or another, especially in the area of economic pursuits, social- cultural and political relations. These relations, which go way back in history, manifest through marriages, cultural festivals and activities, and also wars. The interactions have been peaceful most times and hostile at other times. On inter-group relations, Afigbo argues that different Nigerian ethnic and cultural groups sought through their richly varied traditions of origin and migrations and through account
s of the rise and expansion of their socio political system, to preserve, inter–alia, their
perceptions of the relationships which existed between them and their neighbours.3 In fact, relations among the Igbo have always been based on some factors either relating to common historical origins, ancestry or to a common language, tradition, and custom, religion, belief system, trade and festivals, among others. These factors tend to bind people closely together but can also lead to war. Wars are in themselves a form of inter• group relations. Most communities in Igboland came into contact through different movements, for instance, the Awka-Orlu movement in which people migrated and settled in different areas. The Mbano people and their neighbours, the focus of this research, have benefited in the course of their socio-political, economic and cultural activities.
Mbano is found in Imo State. It appears to be the only community that shares boundaries with communities in Orlu, Okigwe and Owerri that constitute the three Geo• political zones oflmo State. Mbano is centrally positioned in Imo state, and is something of the Igbo heart land. The area embraces Isiala and Ehime Mbano local government areas. Geographically, Mbano occupies an expanse of land of more than 205.30 square
3 A. E. Afigbo, The lgbo ond their Neighbours: Inter-Group Relations in Southeastern Nigeria to 1953, Ibadan: University Press Ltd.,
1987, p.1
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kilometers. It 1s located approximately between latitudes 7 and 8 E”. The map below
shows the location of the area of study in Imo State.
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Map no 1: Map of Imo State showing the area of study separated with a black line.
The Statesman, Owerri: 1987, p.12
xviii
Mbano consists of Osu, Ehirne, Mbarna and Ugiri clans. These clans of Mbano
and its neigbhours are as indicated in the map no 2
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Map No 2: Map ofMbano showing its neighbours.
xix
The people are predominantly farmers. They are known for the production of palm wine (mmanya–ngwo), from the raffia tree, and in much smaller quantity, (mmanya• nkwu), palm oil and kernels, cassava, yams, three-leaved yams (una), coco-yams (ede), native plantain (unyere ojii) and so on. They also keep live-stock such as goats, dogs, fowl, and pigs which provide them with a means of livelihood. Agriculture in the area fluctuates between subsistence and commercial production. Mbano people had been adherents of Igbo traditional religion until Christianity began to gain sway among the people. Mbano belief system tallies with those of other Igbo groups. That is, the belief in the sanctity of deities and pantheon of gods.
The name Mbano, like Nigeria, is said to be a colonial creation. The area was originally known as Mbasaa. The British colonial rule balkanized Mbasaa through its administrative creations. Mbasaa comprised seven clans namely, Ehime, Osu, Ugiri, Mbama, Isu, Ugboma and Obowo. According to S.A. Ike,
the origin of the name Mbano was during (sic) the British administration of Umuduru Native Court created in 1906. A separate native court was established to serve Obowo, Onitsha Uboma, Etiti clans and their neighbours. The Umuduru Native Court Jurisdiction served four clans; namely Osu, Ehime, Ugiri and Mbama. Thus, it was during the sitting of the court at Umuduru, that the name Mbano, meaning-four clans, naturally began to be
xx
used by the warrant chiefs m reference to the court’s jurisdiction.
Mbano, according to records, had appeared extensively in British colonial records before it was recognized as Mbano Federated Native Authority in 1945. Mbano was carved out of Mbasaa for easy administration by the British and most probably, due to the fact that the people constituting the Mbano Federated Native Authority are closely related.
As traditions of origin of Mbano indicate, the people migrated from the general area of Orlu and settled in their present location. Some neighbours ofMbano also share in this common ancestral origin and belong to the larger Isu-ama clan oflgboland. Hence, it is not uncomm on to hear an Mbano elder say “anyi shi uzo orlu bia-ebea”, “we came
here from Orlu area”. An Eziama Mbaise elder would say; “we migrated from Mbano
area”. The same is said of Amaimo Ikeduru or by Inyishi elder. Adiele Afigbo appears to support this view stating that,
the tradition of the Isu-ama Igbo (meaning the Isu who had gone abroad -made up of Mbama, Mbieri, Ikeduru, Osu, Ehime, Uboma, Ugiri and Mbaise) of the Ohuhu Ngwa and of many Cross River Igbo groups indicate that they migrated eastwards from the general area of Orlu. To many communities in this group of Igbo-speaking peoples Ama-igbo in
5 See C.TC Annals, District Officer Okigwe Division, Annual Report, 1945 ORLDIST 3/1/89. See also A E Afigbo, (ed.) Historic Events List ofLocal and National Significance, Enugu: Government Printer, 1973, p.51
6 Afigbo, Historic Event List…p. 53
xxi
Orlu is a sacred and revered spot. The name itself means the street, meeting place or headquarters of the Igbo’.
The saying that Mbano and its neighbours share a lot in common is a fact of history. Mbano and its neighbours fall within Afigbo’s description. The neighbours ofMbano are as follows: Ahiazu Mbaise on the West, Ikeduru/Mbaitolu on the South, Okwelle• Onuimu on the North and Agbaja-Isu in Nwangele on the eastern end’, in Orlu zone. The contiguous communities that form neighbours of Mbano are, Eziama in Ekwereazu Mbaise, Inyishi, Amaimo, Atta and Umudim in Ikeduru, Etiti, Abajah Isu, Ogwa, and Okwelle in Onuimo. The boundaries which supposedly divide Mbano and its neighbours are no ‘Berlin walls’ that could prevent interaction. There were considerable mutually interactive relationship and contact between them.
Boundaries are said to be a thing of the heart; so it is with Mbano and its neighbours. Some border villages in Mbano easily cross these boundaries for different purposes. These include trade, religious, cultural and educational activities, among many others. The relationships and interactions have been largely symbiotic and peaceful, though minor skirmishes and disagreements do occur occasionally. Most of these communities live in such close proximity that enables neighbours fetch amber from one another to make fire. For instance, a person from Umuezel 1 can do so from his Eziama Mbaise neighbour. This is also applicable between an Oka person and his Inyishi Ikeduru
7 A.E. Afigbo, Ropes ofSand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture. Ibadan: University Press Ltd., 1981, pp.
12-13.
8 Nigeria: Demographic and Health Survey 2003, National Population Commission, Federal Republic of Nigeria. ORC MACA, Calverton Maryland USA, 2004, p.16. See C. N Mbalisi, “Change and Continuity in Isiala Mbano, An Igbo society, 1906-2007.” Unpublished MA Project Report, Department of History and International Studies, UNN . 2008, pp. 8-10.
xxii
neighbour. The same close relationship exists between Amaraku and Agbaja-Isu, and between Osu Mbano and their Okwelle-Onuimo neighbours.
The people cooperate and interact through other ways: exchange of labour- igba
onwo oru, youth activities, isusu contribution, cultural festivals such as traditional wrestling (ekere mgba), Ibo ama, mbom uzo, ikpo oku, nta and the new yam festival (ekweji/aruru/awa or ahajioku), dances like the Alija dance, ubo ogazi, nkwa otele, nkwa inwakiriinwa, masquerades (nmanwu), marriages and numerous other activities. Despite the mutuality existing between Mbano and its neighbours, there were occasional periods of misunderstanding arising from these activities. In some occasions, they led to conflict and skirmishes between the people. According to Marcel Ibe, in the 1950s, there was a boundary dispute between Osu and Okwelle that led to crisis that lasted till the colonial government intervened and settled the matter by placing the disputed portion of land under government control.” Before then the crisis had claimed many lives.
Other sources of conflict between Mbano and its neighbours include marriages, burial rites, and cultural festivals, among others. Religious conflict has often arisen from the siting of churches. Such churches were usually near shrines or community sacred forest. In recent times, the pursuit of various political interests has been another harbinger of conflict. The creation of autonomous communities in Imo State has divided neighbours, leaving a backlog of unresolved conflict situations between individuals and communities. These conflict situations seem to be introducing new elements in the relationship and interaction between Mbano and its neighbours.
Mbano, like most other Igbo communities, was organized on kinship, non-
9 Chief Marcel lbe, Pensioner, 65 yrs, interviewed at Umuduru Iheoma na Ofenku, Okwelle, 24/8/2010
xxiii
monarchical principle.” The people do not have a centralized polity; rather, they have many autonomous communities, each with its own traditional ruler. Some of these institutions are the off-shoot of colonial warrant chief creation. Besides, colonial boundary adjustments and administrative reorganisations placed Mbano in the midst of numerous neighbours who hitherto had been their kin. Chidi Onwubuariri stated that,
Atta community now in Ikeduru Owerri zone used to be the head community for the Nta festival that heralds the ekweji for Mbama and Ugiri clans. Inyishi also used to be part ofUgiri clan in Mbano. Today colonial rule placed Atta and Inyishi administratively under Old Owerri District and they are today neighbours ofUg iri and Mbama clans in Mbano.’
These colonial situations contributed to the ever-changing nature of intra/inter group relations prevalent in the society today. The dialects of Mbano people and those of their neighbours are almost the same, with only minor differences in pronunciation and accent. Each of the groups in the course of their interaction has affected the other through its actions. As Adiele Afigbo observes, inter-group relationship properly understood pre• supposes contact and interaction between groups each of which has an identity, each of which has the capacity to make some inputs into the relationship, in short, each of which
” A. E. Afigbo, Ropes ofSand…p.12
‘ Chidi Onwubuariri, Pensioner, 72 years, interviewed at Amakpaka Umuoti Inyishi in Ikeduru,
24/8/2010.
xxiv
has some scope and area of autonomous action. Inter-group relationship thus involves giving and taking’. It is a truism that inter-group relations entails contact and interaction between groups or peoples. The forms in which relationships manifest notwithstanding, interactions between groups reflect of human actions. These actions are intrinsic in the process of existence and the uniqueness of identity of the interacting groups and the reciprocity of inter-group relations”.
The Mbano and its neighbours, and the various groups inhabiting the area do not present such a complex network of contacts and interaction. The relationships embrace all aspects of historical development, viz, economic, social-cultural, political and religious, gender and so on. A good deal of the history of the contacts and interaction between the people is contained in oral tradition. The story of their migration from the general Orlu area appears to be in line with oral traditions regarding their origin, migration/dispersal and settlement. Afigbo is of the opinion that stories such as these are most likely to have arisen among peoples who were in meaningful contact with one another and who therefore were understandably anxious to build up a working theory of
inter-group relationships.14 Okpe 0. Okpe thinks that contact and interaction between
groups pre-supposes that each group must consciously or unconsciously, advertently or inadvertently, relate with other groups to survive’. This makes contact, interaction and inter-dependence not just a fact but a necessity of life; universally constant and basic.16
Obaro Ikime writes that no human groups are isolationist in orientation, but that the
A.E. Afigbo, The lgbo and their Neighbours…, p. 18
13 Okpe, 0. Okpe, “Conceptual and theoretical Issues of Studies in Inter-Group Relation”, in Okpeyemi Akinwumi eta! (ed.), Inter– Group Relations in Nigeria During 19” and 20″ Centuries, Ibadan: Aboki Publishers, 2006, pp.12-13.
A. E. Afigbo, “Pre-colonial Trade Links Between Southeastern Nigeria and the Benue Valley”,
Journal ofAfrican Studies vol.4 No.2, 1977, p.123
‘· Okpe, “Conceptual and Theoretical Issue…”p.6-7 ” Okpe, “Conceptual and theoretical Issues…” p.7
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mundane needs of daily life bring diverse Nigeria peoples into close and continuous contact with their imm ediate neighbours’. Mbano and its neighbours were not strangers to one another, but lived in close affinity and co-operation. They also developed over time considerable historical commonalities arising from their contact and interaction.
Inter-group relation is dynamic and multi-dimensional. This reflects the mutational nature of man’s relationship with his environment. Hence, changes that occur are sometimes products of the nature of happenings at the material time. Inter-group relation is, therefore, a factor of the social, economic, cultural and political conditions
and can be critically anchored on geography.18 Colonialism was one monumental
development that brought in its wake radical changes in the form of inter-group relations in Africa in general and Nigeria and Igboland, in particular. It introduced new dimensions of violence in interactions and all forms of endless struggles for political, economic and socio-cultural interests between groups. This in tum brought a number of consequences on the relationship between neighbouring groups and societies. According to Afigbo, relations between neighbours became modified.19 Isichei opined that “boundary creation brought a situation in which people were either confused about the actual boundaries or were forced to accept artificial boundaries.”” Over time, peace-loving generations appeared quarrelsome and boundary-conscious, resulting in avoidable inter•
group skirmishes and a times even wars. Ethnicity and ethnocentrism became implanted in the minds of brothers who, through colonial political activities, began to be seen as neighbours. However, despite these changes, relationships between Mbano and its
Obaro Ikime, “History and the Problems ofNation-Building: The Nigerian Situation,” Bulletin ofthe
Library Association Vol. 9. No. 3,1973, p. 116
“” Okpe, “Conceptual and Theoretical Issues…”p. 16 ” A.E. Afigbo, lgbo and Their Neighbours...p.5
Elizabeth Isichei, A History ofthe Igbo People, London: Macmillan Pres Ltd., 1976, p.21
xxvi
neighbours continued to be largely peaceful. But the changes brought by colonial rule are not without challenges to inter-group relations in the area. These problems, as discussed in this work, are considered shortly.
Statement of the Problem
Mbano and its neighbours constitute a group of communities in Igboland located in present day Imo State, Nigeria. From remote antiquity, the different groups have co• existed, interacted and cooperated in various ways in their relationship. The age of their co-existence is difficult to establish because of the dearth of documentary and archaeological evidence that could provide possible and objective clue to the genesis of their contact. Over time, certain events affected relations between the people. One of these is colonial rule that brought far-reaching changes in the area. The other factor was the Nigeria-Biafra War which affected the nature of relationship between the people. Unfortunately, there is no detailed research on the nature of changes brought by these events in the relationship and interaction between the people, during and after colonial era. The dynamics of the newly evolving relations are yet to be brought to historical understanding. There is therefore no literature on the area, with special regard to inter• group relations. Because of the absence of any serious research on inter-group relations for the period (1906-2006) in the area, knowledge of the relations between the people is lacking. This absence of research creates a knowledge gap about relationship between Mbano people and their neighbours at the time.
There are opinions among the elders and the people that Inyishi and Atta, now in Ikeduru, as neighbours of Mbano, were part of Ugiri group of villages before they were transferred to Ikeduru by the British colonial authority. In fact, Umudim and Atta now in
xxvii
Owerri were said to have been part ofUgiri Mbano. Even Agbaja-Isu town was also said to have been part of Ugiri clan. Intelligence reports in the National Archives, Enugu contain the view that these towns were formerly, either part of Ugiri clan or Mbama. Colonial administrative rearrangements thwarted the hitherto existing political structure and socio-cultural organization in the area. Hence, Atta and Umudim communities were transferred to Ikeduru Native Court which was closer to the people than Otanzu Otanchara at Okigwe. For instance, Bones Ojiah’s compilation of intelligence reports on Ugiri clan provides helpful clues yet to be investigated. He writes that:
During the British colonial administrative reorganisation of Mbasaa, argument ensued on whether the town of Agbaja-Isu belonged to Ugiri. The Ugiri clan claimed that Agbaja-Isu was part of Ugiri. Also, the towns of Umudim and Atta in Owerri Division were visited. Umudim people were divided as to whether to remain as part of Okigwe or be grouped under Owerri Division. Atta was definitely against any change. The main reason expressed by the people was the distance they would cover to attend court at Provincial Headquarters of Otanzu Otanchara at Okigwe. Umudim looked amenable to transfer, but that in view of hostility of
xxviii
Atta to change, Umudim chose to attend court m
Owerri Division.’
By this action, some Mbano communities were transferred to Owerri Division which was a different administrative unit. The implications of this colonial action on inter-group relations are yet to be examined. Ojiah provides a list of the original composition ofUgiri clan before colonial administrative re-organization in the following order of seniority: Ugiri, Obollo, Umuneke, Ogbor, Oka, Umudim, Atta, and Ibeme. Umudim and Atta are now part of Ikeduru in Owerri Division. Umudim used to be a quarter of Oka Ugiri in Ok.Igwe. 22
Inyishi in Ikeduru is also surrounded by a similar contention. Oka community in Ugiri clan speaks oflnyishi in Ikeduru as their brothers. Inyishi people again claim they migrated from Amuzari in Mbama clan who they claim to be their brothers. For instance, Onwubuariri ofUmuoti Inyishi told the author that their brothers in Amuzari are still part of Mbano but Inyishi is part of Ikeduru. This problem was created by colonial rule that divided the land arbitrarily, thereby separating brothers, and making them administratively spatial neighbours.
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