IGBO MIGRANT TRADERS IN MAKURDI TOWN 1970 – 2015

–ABSTRACT-

Slowly, researchers have begun to piece together the migration histories of Igbo traders. Throughout the twentieth century, “trade”, an important economic factor in labour migration, has shaped the migration treks of Igbo traders and affected socio-economic conditions in their host societies. Thus, the intermingling of Nigerians who were previously held to their own divides of the country is in recent times generating a lot of scholarly interest. This is not peculiar with the penetration of Igbo into Makurdi. It is important to observe that, while these immigrants have a significant influence to the development of the town, the failure to fully integrate them into the already existing society has been a major problem of nation building in not only Makurdi but the Nigerian state at large. The position of this study is that, the migration of the Igbo ethnic group into Makurdi town acted as a catalyst for the economic development of the area. Research suggests that the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria are the most migratory among the over 250 ethnic groups in the country. As buying and selling is said to be an integral part of Igbo culture, so is the habit of migrating from one area to another. Igbo migrants are one of the major non- indigenous groups in Makurdi town and as such, this dissertation takes a scholarlylook at their impact and contributions to the development of Makurdi town from the period 1970-2015. The cardinal pre-occupation of this research enterprise is to undertake a comprehensive historical analysis of the contending issues in migration and economic development in the light of the settler community and their host society in Makurdi town. The research concludes by taking a position  and  advancing  some  well-informed  recommendations  which  shall  stimulate  and generate sustainable solutions to the internal migration phenomenon in Nigeria; and further enhance the country’s meaningful national development. Based on the findings obtained from the research enterprise, the study concludes that human migration in Africa pre-dated the era of colonialism. However the advent of colonialism introduced economic motive to be the primary variable for migration phenomenon as compared to natural conditions in the pre-colonial epoch. The migration of people of Igbo origin into Makurdi town is therefore because of the socio- economic opportunities in the town associated with the organizational process of Makurdi in the colonial era and subsequent creation of similar avenues by the post-colonial governments in the state.

CHAPTER ONE:

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

The intermingling of Nigerians who were previously held to their own divides of the country is in recent times generating a lot of scholarly interest. This is not only peculiar with the penetration of Igbo into Makurdi town. It is important to observe that these migrants have made significant contributions to the development of the town but the failure to fully integrate them into the already existing societal structure has been a major problem of nation building in not only  Makurdi  but  Nigeria  as  an  entity.  While  the  Igbo  have  historically  had  a  significant presence among the coastal peoples of south-eastern Nigeria, their expansion into western and northern Nigeria took place largely in the context of colonialism. Propelled by economic and population pressures, the Igbo rapidly took advantage of new economic opportunities available across Nigeria, moving to locations across the country. Igbo groups migrated widely within the Igbo areas, but the bulk of migration was outside the Igbo hinterland to western and northern Nigeria, as well as to neighbouring countries such as Ghana, Cameroun and Fernando Po, giving rise to a new grouping known as ‘the Igbo diaspora’.1

The Igbo diaspora created a network of Igbo inhabitants in nearly every corner of Nigeria.

The 291 Igbo enumerated in Lagos in 1911 had risen to 31,887 by 1953. By the 1950s, there were 167,000 Igbo in northern Nigeria, making them the southern ethnic group with the highest

1 C. Onwubu, “Ethnic Identity, Political Integration, and National Development:

The Igbo Diaspora in Nigeria”, The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol.13 (1975): 399–413.

population in the northern region.2 By the 1950s, there were substantial Igbo minorities in non- Igbo cities as far flung as Ibadan, Zaria, Lafia, Maiduguri, Gusau, Kafanchan and Makurdi. The

1953 census recorded that 15 per cent of the Igbo population lived outside Igbo land, making the Igbo the largest migrant population in Nigeria, both in proportionate and absolute terms. As Douglas A. Anthony points out, the five most important Igbo political figures of the 1950s and

1960s were all either born or raised in northern Nigeria.3  Stella B. Silverstein argues that the

rapid expansion of the Igbo diaspora was a product, not only of population pressure at home, but of the prior development of social ‘blueprints for migration’ in pre-colonial Igbo social organization. The organization of craftsmen and traders into itinerant groups with specialized territories created a framework for migration that did not rupture linkages between migrants and their home areas. Institutions requiring the annual return of migrants to their hometown for festivals had already begun to emerge in pre-colonial times.4  Silverstein shows in her study of Nnewi entrepreneurs that systems of apprenticeship also followed a diasporic pattern, in which masters settled apprentices in other parts of Nigeria so as to widen their networks and avoid problems of over-supply in a given area.5  These developments took advantage of opportunities provided by new colonial arrangements, but depended essentially on indigenous organizational efforts.

Despite the traumatic experience of violent expulsion and economic loss in a long civil war, high levels of Igbo out-migration were resumed soon after the end of hostilities, owing to the

ongoing  pressures  of land  scarcity,  limited employment  opportunities  at  home, and  intense

2 D. Anthony, Poison and Medicine: Ethnicity, Power and Violence in a Nigerian City, 1966– 1986, (Oxford: James

Currey Press, 2002), 201.

3 Anthony, Poison and Medicine, 202.

4 S. Silverstein, Sociocultural Organization and Locational Strategies of Transportation Entrepreneurs: An   Ethno economic History of the Nnewi Igbo of Nigeria, (Massachusetts: Boston University Press, 1983), 130.

5 Silverstein, Sociocultural Organization and Locational Strategies of Transportation Entrepreneurs, 133.

competition for economic advancement.6 While the government policy of ‘no victor, no vanquished’ facilitated relations of ethnic accommodation for returning Igbo migrants, the lack of state assistance in the process of reconstruction, combined with disadvantageous policies governing the economic reintegration of Biafra intensified their focus on informal systems of economic organization.

On the aftermath of the northern massacres and the civil war, the Igbo faced with a devastated homeland and a lack of reconstruction assistance from the state, turned to rebuilding their livelihoods through migration almost as soon as the war was over. This included a rapid return to northern Nigeria, where the violence against Igbos had been most severe. As Harniet- Sievers observed, “The Igbo returned to Nigeria with surprising speed, the Igbo diaspora beginning to re-establish itself in Western and even in Northern Nigeria within a few months after the end of the war.”7 Therefore the end of the Nigeria civil war marked a watershed in the history of the country and thus sparked-off new waves of migration of Igbo traders into Makurdi town.

Makurdi town is one of the earliest urban cities in the Benue valley and witnessed a relative level of development as an urban centre before it became the capital city of Benue state on February 3, 1976. Like many urban centres, Makurdi town became a melting pot; witnessing an influx of people from all parts of Nigeria and beyond. Most of the immigrants came in as colonial employees working in the administrative sectors of the colonial masters; some were attracted  to  Makurdi  for  various  economic  activities  most  especially  during  the  railway

construction and others came at the time it had fully developed into a State Capital.8

6 Anthony, Poison and Medicine, 228.

7  A. Harniet-Sievers, Constructions of Belonging: Igbo Communities and the Nigerian State in the Twentieth

Century, (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2006), 164.

8 A. Ochefu (et al), A History of the Peoples of Benue State, (Aboki Publishers, 2007), 15.

Thus, emanating from the above background, this study attempt to analyze the nature and character of the penetration of Igbo traders into Makurdi town. By doing that we shall understand how this penetration has translated into the development of the town and as well, show how this economic and social intercourse between the Igbo in Makurdi and their host society has helped in harnessing national integration and propagating the concept of ‘unity in diversity’. But prior to examining this, we shall embark on an x-ray of some of the fundamental factors that were responsible for the penetration of Igbo into Makurdi town. Similarly, the study attempts an analysis of the socio-economic activities of these Igbo traders.

The  migration  of  Igbo  traders  into  Makurdi  town  apart  from  facilitating  national integration, promoted a great deal of commerce and trade. It is important to note that before the colonial era, these Igbo traders were never an integral part of the intergroup interactions in Makurdi town. Their contributions to economic change and transformation of the town constitute the focus of this work.

Statement of Problem

Throughout the twentieth century, “trade”, an important economic factor in labour migration, has shaped the migration treks of Igbo traders and affected socio-economic conditions in their host societies. Trade as an economic stimulant has acted as a force of pull for Igbo migrants into Makurdi town. Several researches on the contributions of Igbo migrant traders to economic change and transformation of cities in the Benue Valley has focused on towns such as Otukpo, Wukari, Gboko, Aliade, Adikpo; among others, but Makurdi town as a major city in the Benue Valley  has  been  grossly  neglected and  not  much scholastic efforts  has  been  geared towards this historical reconstruction. This is more important when considering the fact that the town gained prominence in 1927 as the headquarters of the then Benue Province under the

British colonial administration and thereafter witnessed a massive influx of ethnic nationalities (the Igbo inclusive) into it. The very few research efforts on the Igbo in Makurdi town concentrated on a general discourse on the migration of non-indigenes into the town. As such there is a missing link in the area of the activities and contributions of Igbo migrant traders to economic change and  transformation  of the study area.  These activities  and  transformation would be given due scholarly attention in this study.

From the foregoing, the study raises a number of questions. What factors influenced or necessitated the influx of the Igbo migrant traders into the study area?  What is the nature and character of relationship between the Igbo migrant groups and their host? Were they exploitative or mutually beneficial to both parties? In what  ways has their activities contributed to the development of the town? Did they source for apprentice from the indigenes? Addressing these and other related problems shall be the main focus of this study.

Purpose of the Study

The study examines the activities of  Igbo migrant traders in Makurdi  town and their contributions to economic change and transformation of the town in a bid to place it in historic perspective. Research suggests that the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria are the most migratory among the over 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria. As buying and selling is said to be an integral part of Igbo culture, so is the habit of migrating from one area to another. Igbo migrants are one of the major non-indigenous groups in Makurdi town. Therefore the purpose of this study is to assess their impact and contributions to the development of Makurdi town from the period 1970-

2015. The study also identifies the reasons behind the migration of Igbo traders to the town.

Significance of the Study

The idea to undertake this research is predicated on the ground that not much scholarly attention has been given to the activities of Igbo migrant traders in Makurdi town in the larger historiography of Nigeria. Therefore, this study is an attempt to place the activities and contributions of Igbo migrant traders to economic change and the transformation of Makurdi town in its proper perspective and larger historical context. Although, several researches on the impact and contributions of Igbo groups on cities in the Benue Valley has focus on towns such as Otukpo, Wukari, Gboko, Aliade, Adikpo among others, there is yet to be a volume which deals extensively   with   the   contributions   of   Igbo   migrant   traders   to   economic   change   and transformation in Makurdi town.

Therefore,  this  study  is  significant  because  it  will  widen  historical  knowledge  on  the activities and contributions of Igbo migrant traders to economic change and transformation of not only Makurdi town but of course cities in the Benue Valley. It will also unravel the history of Igbo migration into Makurdi town, from colonial to post-colonial times, tracing carefully the reasons for this migration and as well as evaluating the contributions of Igbo migrant traders to the development of the area within the scope of study.

Furthermore, the study would also be useful to government policy makers in formulating policies that touch on non-indigenous groups in their host settlements.

Finally, the study is coming up at a time when ethnic sentiment is at its highest ebb such that they become source of worry to those who want the continued existence of Nigeria as a united country. It is in this vein envisaged that the research work will once again provide reflection on Igbo as a non-indigenous migrant ethnic group in Makurdi with a view of examining their contributions to the development of the town.

The work is purely a historical research work, which covers only Makurdi town from the period 1970-2015. It focuses on the impact of Igbo migrant traders on the development of Makurdi town. The choice of 1970 is not arbitrary. 1970 marked the end of the Nigeria civil war of which the Igbos were a major actor and played a key role in the entire historical episode. The

1970 period therefore marked a watershed not just in the history of the Igbo nation but of course, Nigeria. The fires of migration were ignited and thus new waves of migration into Makurdi town were sparked-off after the end of the Nigeria civil war.

The work has made 2015 as a terminal point for the fact that the research is interested in studying the contemporary nature and character of the migration of Igbo traders into Makurdi town. Between 1970 and 2015, the socio-economic activities of Igbo people had immensely affected not just Makurdi as a town but the people with whom they co-existed. It should be noted that  although  we  shall  situate  our  analysis  within  the  confines  of  1970-2015,  vital  issues preceding this period will be sparingly handled mainly to deepen our understanding of the research problems. The migrant traders under research here are migrants from the area that comprises the Southeastern Nigeria (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States).

It should also be pointed out that although Makurdi town has accommodated non-indigenous groups such as the Hausa, Yoruba, Efik, Ogoja among several others carrying out one socio- economic activity or the other, however, the Igbo is the dominant amongst the non-indigenous groups in the town. The research is restricted to the socio-economic activities of the Igbo traders and the impact of such activities to the general development of Makurdi town.

Methodology, Data Sources and Organization

The nature of this study which tends to examine the activities and contributions of Igbo migrant traders to economic change and transformation of Makurdi town has encouraged the

adoption of narrative and analytical method, therefore, in the course of this research; the data used were derived from two main sources – the primary source and secondary source.

The primary sources of data involved in this research include Oral source and the archival materials located at the National Archive Kaduna. The oral source involved oral interviews method and the respondents interviewed cuts across Igbo migrant traders, indigenes of Makurdi town and people with useful knowledge about the study area. Both structured and unstructured questions were used during the interview. The interviews were mostly conducted in pidgin English (a language spoken as a lingua franca across Makurdi town) and responses from the interviewees  were  recorded  through  smart  phone  device  in  addition  to  note  taking.  The researcher also visited the National Archive, Kaduna, Department of History Benue State University, Makurdi, Department of History and International Studies, Federal University, Lafia- Nasarawa State, and National Library, Enugu where several relevant materials on the scope of study were consulted. The archival materials included intelligence and official (confidential) files, reports of British Colonial Officers’ diaries and official (confidential) files, reports of Commissioned Papers among others.

The archival materials are particularly useful in providing information on some issues related to British colonial administrative policies and actions in the administration of Makurdi which invariably influenced the influx of various ethnic nationalities into Makurdi town. Other sources of information used include thesis, dissertations and projects, newspapers, magazines and government  publications.  The  secondary  source  included  books,  journals,  articles  seminar papers, relevant public lectures.

As we all know, oral traditions are one of the principal sources for historical reconstruction especially where the written evidence seems to be virtually absent. However, the reliability of oral tradition seems to be in doubt because of the fallibility of the memories of the people,

and also the manipulating of evidence by the people to suit their aim. The kind of information derived at times is difficult to believe.9

In view of the above, the methodology of juxtaposing oral evidence with written sources was employed.

In the course of the field work, the researcher encountered some challenges as some of the informants were very reluctant to release information devoid of sentiment and prejudice or to even discuss the subject matter at all for fear of victimization and what they termed ‘security reasons’. Therefore, accessibility to some facts was hydra-headed due to this challenge. For some of them, more especially the traders thought that it is a spy that wanted to get secret information that may be detrimental to them. For instance, at the Wurukum area of Makurdi town, a group of Igbo traders turned down my request when excused for information, some were accusing me of being an informant or security agent who is out to garner information that could be detrimental to their business. This gargantuan problem in most cases was overcome by the intervention of literate respondents with the researcher also enlightening them that the information being sought after is not meant to be detrimental or disadvantageous to them and that the research was purely for academic purpose. With these explanations such problems were surmounted.

The research work has been structured in six chapters. The first chapter is the introduction which provides the background of the study. It also looks at the statement of the problem, purpose and significance of the study as well as the literature review and methodology and data sources. The next chapters, two to five were organized chronologically into four thematic areas as follows: Chapter two examines the historical setting of Makurdi town and as well analyzes the migration of the indigenes and Igbo non-indigenes into the study area before the 1970 period.

Chapter three explores the phenomenon of the migration of Igbo traders into Makurdi town from

9 A.H Busha, “Understanding Research”, (Washington DC: The Bookings Institute, 1991), 7.

1970.  In  chapter  four  references  are  made  to  their  socio-economic  activities  and  more importantly, some of the variables that spurred and necessitated their migration into Makurdi town. The basic issue underpinning chapter five is the impact of Igbo migrant traders in Makurdi town. It captures their economic, social and political impact on the town. Chapter six contains the summary of the findings, recommendations as well a general conclusion is drawn here.

Conceptual Framework

Euro-centric scholars hold the view that Africa was devoid of any meaningful economic activities where trade and commerce could take place. This position is anchored on the likes of Datton, Polyany and Bohanah, who believed that Africans until very recently were devoid of economic consciousness. According to Datton and Polyany, “Traditional exchange in pre- colonial Africa was conducted with the principle of reciprocity and redistribution”10. On the contrary however Hill asserted that:

There was hidden trade among women who not supposed to be seen in open place, within the privacy of their husbands compound, which constitute the equivalent of a market place… there were also extra market transaction on farms.11

This argument is anchored on the fact that exchange does not necessary have to take place on a

specific site or centre. It could be in a moving vehicle, in someone’s house or during a journey of a group of people in which buying and selling can take place because historically, man is a migrant  by  nature  and  every  man  is  a  migrant  of  one  kind  of  sort  depending  upon  the

circumstances of time and space. Therefore, migration as a phenomenon is as old as humanity

10 P. R. Julie, Pre-colonial Africa: An Economic and Social History, (London: Division Publishing Limited, 1976),

105-113.

11  J. A. Arthur, “International Labour Migration Patterns in West Africa”, African Studies Review, vol.34. No.3, (1991), 92.

itself and problems relating to its conceptualization and general understanding have always occupied the attention of scholars of various disciplines. Historians, Geographers, Sociologists, Economists, among others have always been interested in migration from the standpoint or perspective of their respective disciplines.12  Although there is no exact definition of migration that is acceptable to all these disciplines, scholars like Samir Amin, R. K. Udo, J. Weeks are agreed on the requirements for it. Usually, space and time criteria are employed in defining migration. According to T. Falola and O. O. Okpeh, migration is the movement of people from one place to another and that such movement is often underpinned by the inter-play of socio- economic and political variables operating in the source and destination of the movement.13

Furthermore, migration refers to a permanent or semi-permanent change in residence. It

involves the “detachment from the organization of activities at one place and the movement of the total round of activities to another”.14 Thus, the most important aspect of migration is that it is spatial by definition. Therefore for migration to occur there must be movement from one location (source) to another (destination). The distance involved in migration movement may be long or short, but are always measured in geographic terms. In terms of time, migration is always reckoned to involve a change of residence that is on a permanent or semi-permanent basis. Since migration necessarily involves the crossing of boundaries, it has usually been categorized into two – internal and international.

Internal migration involves the movement of people from one community or settlement area to another, provided this is within the territorial limits of a polity, say a country. Segun O.

Osoba identifies at least three patterns or examples of such movements in Nigeria that should be

12 T.A. Shamija, Social Studies Education and Nation Building, (Makurdi: Azaben Press, 2005), 18-21.

13  T. Falola and O. O. Okpeh, Population Movements, Conflicts and Displacements in Nigeria, (Trenton: African

World Press, 2007), 22.

14 R. K. Udo, Migrations and Rural Change in Migrant Tenant Farmers of Nigeria: A Geographical Study of Rural

Migrants in Nigeria, (Ibadan: University Press, 1975), 82.

briefly noted. These include the movement of people from rural areas of less economic activity to those of greater economic activity within the regions that formerly constituted the units of the federation of Nigeria; the movement of migrant peasant farmers across regional frontiers whether on a seasonal or permanent basis; and the drift of the population from the rural areas and the lesser towns to the new urban centres of commerce and administration under colonial rule.15

The second broad type of migration involves the movement of people inter-territorially, for example when migrants move between two or more countries. The case of the ‘Igbo Migrant Traders in Makurdi Town’ is seen as that of an internal migration. It is internal because, it involves the movement of people from one community or settlement area to another and this is also within the territorial limit of a country.16

The term “Migrant” or “Migrant trader” has different meanings and connotations in different parts of the world. The term can be defined as any people trading outside of their home country. It is also used to describe someone who migrates within a country possibly their own, in order to pursue trade such as seasonal trade.17  The term “Migrant” or “Migrant trader” is also defined as any worker who moves from one seasonal job to another. A migrant could also be considered as someone who regularly works away from home, if they have a home at all.

The United Nations Convention on the protection of the Rights of All Migrants Worker and members of their families defines migrant worker as follows: “The term “migrant or migrant worker” refers to a person who is engaged in a remunerated activity in a state of which he or she

15 Falola and Okpeh, Population Movements, Conflicts and Displacements in Nigeria, 23.

16 Falola and Okpeh, Population Movements, Conflicts and Displacements in Nigeria, 23.

17 S. Amin, Modern Migrations in West Africa, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974), 89.

is  not  a  national.”18   Furthermore,  “migrants”  can  also  be  seen  as  individuals  who  migrate

because they are attracted by better remuneration for their work elsewhere.19

People move for different reasons. There are many reasons why people decide to migrate and these include the desire to escape from an inferior social status imposed by the community because of the social status of one’s parents. In many villages in parts of Igboland, for example, some people were culturally earmarked as Osu because they are descendants of slaves who were dedicated to the earth God. People also change location because of the desire to escape from domination  or  restrictions  imposed  on  one’s  movements  by  parents  or  local  customs. Furthermore, people migrate to attend higher educational institutions which are mostly located in the larger urban centres or to join their spouse. Also the desire to escape punishment for crimes committed in the local community or to escape from enemies and “witchcraft” as well as the desire to move to an area with varied recreational and cultural activities are reasons why people decide to migrate.20

However, economic consideration constitutes the most important cause of migration. This fact was recorded as far back as 1889 by Ernst Georg Ravenstein in his study of migration in England which was based on the 1881 census of England. According to him:

Bad or oppressive laws, heavy taxation, an unattractive climate, uncongenial social surroundings and even compulsion (slave trade, deportation), all have produced and are still producing currents of migration; but none of these currents can compare in volume with

that which arises from the desire inherent in most men to better

18 Amin, Modern Migrations in West Africa, 89.

19 Amin, Modern Migrations in West Africa, 89.

20  R. K. Udo, “Migrations and Rural Change” in Migrant Tenant Farmers of Nigeria: A Geographical Study of

Rural Migrants in Nigeria” (Ibadan: University Press, 1975), 83.

themselves in material respects.21

Human migration is therefore a product of man’s interaction with his environment in the economic, social and psychological spheres in his attempt to reproduce his material livelihood. The migrants discuss in this study, at one point in history, arising from a plethora of factors, had to migrate which in turn translated to economic development and transformation.

The rising expectations and changing values of the people have created new demands for goods and services which an increasing number cannot obtain in their districts of origin, and they are therefore obliged to migrate to areas where their expectations can be more adequately met.22

These differences affect the overall migration process.

Theoretical Framework

Although a comprehensive theory is unattainable, it remains a crucial task of scholars to explain why people migrate. Theories of migration are important because they can help us understand population movements within their wider political and economic contexts.23  The economic perspective dominated migration literature for a long time until recently. Led by Michael P. Todaro, this perspective has constructed theories that revolve around “push” and “pull” factors. The push factors are held to be the unfavourable factors that repel people from an area.24 By these theories, migration can only be understood when one takes into account factors in the source and destination areas as well as the intervening obstacles between them. These theories view migration essentially as the result of an individual cost benefit calculation, where migration becomes a personal investment that will be made only if the return for this behavior is

economically justified.

21 Udo, Migrations and Rural Change, 83.

22 Udo, Migrations and Rural Change, 84.

23 Udo, Migrations and Rural Change, 84.

24   M.  P.  Todaro, “A  Model of  Labour  Migration and  Urban  Unemployment in  Less  Developed Countries”,

American Economic Review, No.12, July 1969, 138.

Recent theoretical formulations of motivation in migration have featured, amongst other things, the push-pull hypothesis which seeks to subsume all motives for migration under the assumption of ‘want – satisfaction’. The hypothesis suggests that regional imbalance induces migration and that there are certain factors (declining socio-economic conditions) which tend to push people away from the source regions and other factors which are opportunity and prosperity which tend to exert a pull effect at the destinations. Studies which have adopted the push-pull hypothesis have tended  to confirm that the primary cause of migration is economic.25  The potential migrant weighs the push and pull factors and moves if the benefits of doing so exceed the costs. The relationship between two points (origin and destination) means that the origin is affected by push factors and the destination point is affected by pull factors. Such push factors are often characterized by the lack of job opportunities in sending areas, and pull factors are opportunities presented in receiving areas.26

Similarly, the economic perspective of the effects of migration on the source and destination areas has been reflected in the analysis of the economic costs and benefits both for the migrants themselves and for the economy of the areas generally. The general view, for quite some  time  has  been  that  both  the  source  and  destination  area  always  benefit  from  the phenomenon of migration as the loss of population by the source areas was regarded as compensation for the economic benefits the migrants contribute to their home communities. This view, still popular in certain quarters, has been criticized because, while it may make meaning at the individual level, it does not usually do same at the micro level. It is even much more difficult

to apply at the macro-economic level of region.27

25 Todaro, A Model of Labour Migration and Urban Unemployment, 148.

26 Todaro, A Model of Labour Migration and Urban Unemployment, 148.

27  A. Mabogunje, “Migration Policy and Regional Development in Nigeria”, Nigerian Journal of Economic and

Social Studies, No. 2, 1970, 38.

Closely related to Todaro’s theory or model is that of Ernst Georg Ravenstein28  often regarded  as  the  earliest  migration  theorist.  Ravenstein  also  concluded  that  migration  was governed by “push-pull” process; that is, unfavourable conditions in an external location “pull’ them out. The sum of Ravenstein argument was that the primary cause for migration was better external economic opportunities; the volume of migration decreases as distance increases, migration occurs in stages instead of one long move, population movements are bilateral and migration  differentials  for  instance  age,  social  class  and  gender  among  others  influence  a person’s mobility. Many theorists have followed in Ravenstein’s footsteps and the dominant theories in contemporary scholarship are more or less variations of his conclusions.

Everett Lee reformulated Ravenstein’s theory to give more emphasis to internal (or push) factors. Lee also outlines the impact that intervening obstacles have on the migration process. He argues that variables such as distance, physical and political barriers, and having dependents can impede  or  even  prevent  migration.  Lee  pointed  out  that  the  migration  process  is  selective because differentials such as age, gender, and social class affect how persons respond to push- pull factors, and these conditions also shape their ability to overcome intervening obstacles. Furthermore, personal factors such as a person’s education, knowledge, of a potential receiver population, family ties, and the like can facilitate or retard migration.

Mabogunje’s  model  also  known  as  the  system  model  postulates  that  rural-urban migration in Africa is determined by systematic inter-relationships of rural and urban control systems, rural-urban adjustment mechanisms and positive or negative information about migration.29 Thus the push side of migration in terms of the local economic conditions tends to

influence a number of migrants while the opposite will have a contrary effect. Any group of

28 M.P. Todaro, Economic Development, (Hampshire: Ashford Colour Press Limited, 2006), 145.

potential migrants will be affected by social practices; customs, family influence, community organization and inheritance laws. On the pull side of migration, the determinants include wage rate, job opportunities and the nature of housing and rents in the urban centres, which will compel migration.

More so, Byerlee’s cost benefit economic model looks at migration as a result of cost return  in  the  expectations  of  potential  migrants.  Once  some  meticulous  calculations  are concluded and the perceived returns to migration outweigh the perceived costs of migration, the decision  to  migrate  becomes  more  compelling  and  inevitable.  Other  influential  factors  that operate in the decision making process include the social system, determinant of rural and urban incomes, risks, and other psychic costs.

From another point of view, R. M. Prothero argues that migration responds to social and economic changes notably, the growth of the economy, improved transport and communication. In applying the push-pull hypothesis, M. Todaro contends that the imbalance and disequilibrium in the distribution of colonial development was the primary factor which induced migration. He therefore enunciates as follows:

… The unequal and uneven distribution of economic and

social development between regions of the same country

and among countries acts as a primary determinant of migration.30

Todaro’s view is that the primary purpose and reason behind human migrations in Africa is rooted in the nature of the inequality and disequilibrium, which the colonial state and its development exacted on the African continent. The economic disarticulation of the colonial state resulted into the uneven and unequal distribution of economic, social and material resources. Colonialism created inequality among states, nations and between regions within the state or

nation. In Nigeria, the colonial state created regional disequilibrium between the northern region, the western region and the eastern region in the distribution of human and natural resources.

The post-independence era in Africa and Nigeria in particular has not fundamentally deviated or departed from the colonial pattern of migration.

Nevertheless, economic considerations dominate the factors of migration. As a point of fact, since the beginning of the colonial period, when modern migrations started in Africa, considerable developments in commercial agriculture, manufacturing and urbanization have resulted in  a steady increase in the number of migrants.  Increasing population resulting in extreme pressure on available farmland has proved to be a key push factor in some localities. Transport development, especially railway system and road transport have also played a major role in the migration process. As Reuben K. Udo rightly noted; “… As a rule, it is the localities and regions where economic activity is expanding that attract net migration from other areas”.31

Many   researchers   however   agree   with   the   above   postulation   because   it   is   a conglomeration  of factors and  the establishment  of social  structures  and  favourable market outlets that condition the migration of settlers (migrants) into Makurdi town since the colonial period. The settlers migrate to achieve their interests; this view receives affirmation from Ravenstein, when he posits that:

The most consistent generalization about migration is probably the fact that economic considerations or ‘the desire inherent in most men to ‘better’ themselves in material respects’ constitute the single most important reason why people migrate.32

Furthermore,  migration  associated  with  career  advancement  as  witnessed  often  in  the military, academics, and in large companies, illustrates the hypothesis that migration decisions arise from a system of strategies adopted by the individual in the course of passing through the life cycle.  Although this is not a startling new theory, it is little more than a modern restatement of Ravenstein’s nineteenth – century conclusions but nonetheless a very reasonable one.33

It is pertinent to state here that the use of models in explaining the movement of labour is justifiable  because  they  emphasize  labour  market  and  economic  conditions  in  migration decision-making.  More  so,  they  emphasize  kinship  and  community  organizations  in  the migration process and also facilitate the analysis and the explanation of the principal forms of migration in West Africa, (i.e. circular, stepwise and chain migrations). More importantly, they regard  migration  as  an  integral  part  of  the  general  theory  of  economic  development  with particular reference to the sectoral perspective that entails the transfer of labour from one economic sector to another.34

The theory of Ernst Georg Ravenstein seems more relevant to this research because the theory revolves round the “push-pull” hypothesis.  So many reasons account for the migration of Igbo traders into Makurdi town and these could be seen as the push factors. Some of these include commerce, job opportunities and other social infrastructures.

The conventional economic theory of migration can be termed tautological. A good example of this tautology can also be seen in Todaro’s model which claims to explain migration phenomena by ascribing the motivation of migration to the migrant. It supposes that the decision (of the individual) to migrate is the function of two variables: first, the gap in real income between the city and the countryside and secondly, the probability of being employed in the city.

Assuming that the individuals are situated in a defined temporal horizon which constitutes the framework of their calculations and that they have a sense of future depreciations, which permits them to compare future costs and benefits. Michael P. Todaro believes that the behavior of potential migrants can be predicted but the model does not postulate a fresh idea that is not already obvious to scholars. It is evident that the migrants, being rational, would be heading towards areas where they have a better chance of success.35

An analysis of all the theories of migration is by no means exhaustive. Other theories like the world systems theory and the self-perpetuation theory exist but have their various inadequacies and limitations. As earlier observed, these theories are all encompassing yet they are not mutually exclusive. Specific theories tend to be relevant at one point in time hence the adoption or anchoring of the work on one theory here becomes irrelevant. A synthesis of all these theories which the study has adopted is thus the safest approach.

Review of Related Literature

Aspects of works surveyed in this study are those on migration as it relate to economic change and transformation of cities. Richard T. Schaefer’s work deals with the subject of international migration  as it relates to  changes  of residence across national boundaries.  He observes that international migration has been a significant force or factor in redistributing the world’s population during certain periods in history. He gave an example of the United States arguing that the composition of the United States was altered significantly by immigrants who came  in  between  the  19th   and  20th   centuries,  stressing  that  their  entry  was  encouraged  or restricted by various immigration policies. According to Schaefer, migration into a country is a

significant factor in population growth. However, he observes that the phenomenon of migration

35Amin, Modern Migration in Western Africa, 90.

has turned out to be controversial throughout much of Europe, citing Western Europe in particular, as a most desirable destination for many individuals and families from the former communist – bloc countries who are fleeing the poverty, persecution and warfare of their native lands.

He further notes that despite the rise of immigrants and refugees, due to poverty, there has also been a rise in anti-foreign and often openly racist sentiment in Germany, France and other countries. Schaefer estimated that at the end of year 2000, about 14.5 million Africans and Asians from developing countries started encountering difficulties as thousands of displaced people seek assistance and asylum.36 Political and economic problems of developing nations are only intensified by such massive migration under desperate conditions.

This essay on international migration by Schaefer is important in our understanding that migration into a place is a significant factor in the population growth of that particular place. The essay also identified some of the reasons why people migrate from one place to another. One striking weakness of this essay is that Schaefer identified the possible reasons why people migrate to other places without suggesting measures that could minimize it.

Adejumoke A. Afolayan, while studying migration tried to trace international migrations from the early 16th century to early 20th century – citing Europe and the Americas as case studies. According to Afolayan, the earliest migrations of people from Europe to the Americas started from the early part of the 16th  century when the founding fathers moved from the former to colonize the latter named places. He adds that at the early stage, fewer people were involved, but during the 19th  and 20th  centuries, the European emigration assumed greater proportions owing

largely to the free atmosphere as  regards movement that prevailed,  as  well  as government

36 R. T. Schaefer, Sociology; Ninth edition, (New york: McGraw Hill Company, 1983), 494.

subsidies that were made available and employment opportunities at good wages. The above text also stresses that estimates carried out revealed that the volume of migration also fluctuated widely and gave reasons that they correlated with the economic conditions and catastrophic occurrences such as wars. However, according to Afolayan, the rate of immigration to the U.S declined due to enactment of the immigration law and the depression following the World War I.37

While tracing the history of International migrations to the periods of the early 16th century and 20th centuries, the text equally cited reasons for the population growth as well as the decline of population growth between Europe and the Americas. It is apt to point out here the major weakness of this text. Afolayan concentrated his discussion on Europe and the Americas leaving out other countries that constitute parts of the continent. Such discussions are not all embracing as cases of the other continents are not treated. This work could best be seen as a discussion of Europe and America as case studies of International migration ports in world history.

David M. Newman’s essay is closely related to Schaefer’s work. Newman argues that international migration is encouraged by disparities in opportunities: poverty, political instability, environmental deterioration, high unemployment are reasons responsible for international migration. However, Newman sees international migration from a sociological point of view, as often being responsible for conflict, as well as a threat to the host communities instead of seeing them as instruments of contribution to the overall economy. According to Newman, immigration creates a lot of cultural fear ranging from fears that an ethnically homogeneous population can be

altered through inter-marriage, “strange” way of life, fear that the newcomers will encroach on

37 A. A. Afolayan,Population Geography, (Ibadan: Tafak Nigeria Enterprises, 1989), 61.

property and clog the educational system as well as suck up the social benefits owned and largely

paid for by “natives”.38

Newman’s argument can be seen as biased. International migration to a larger extent is not a threat to the host communities per say, rather, it should be seen partly as an avenue for the opening up of such area. Migrant communities play a major role in the economic, political and social lives of the host communities as the Igbo in Makurdi town would clearly reveal.

Scholars have attempted to account for the phenomenon of migration through various theories. On the African situation particularly, scholars like Todaro39 and Mabogunje40 have led the way in this intellectual enterprise. Focusing mainly on rural-urban migration, their theories of migration have sought to explain the migration situation essentially in economic terms, centering on the “push” and “pull” factors. The push factors are held to be the unfavourable factors that repel people from an area and cause them to move out, while the pull factors are the favourable conditions that attract people to migrate into an area.

In line with the push-pull theory, Todaro explains rural-urban migration in terms of income differentials between the urban and rural areas. While the low real incomes of the rural areas are held as strong push factors for emigration, the higher incomes of the urban centres are held as strong pull factors for migration into the urban centres. However, it is also emphasized that for the prospective migrant, the decision to migrate is based on expected rather than the actual income as the expected employment in the urban centre might even turn out to be an

illusion.

38 D. M. Newman, “Sociology: Exploring the Architecture of Everyday Life”, (London: Sage Publications Limited,

1958), 368.

39  M. A. Todaro, “Model of Labour Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries”, The

American Economic Review, 59, 1969, 108-138.

40 A. L. Mabogunje, “Systems Approach to a Theory of Rural-Urban Migration”, Geographical Analysis, 2, 1970, 1-

15.

Like Todaro, Mbaogunje recognizes on the other hand, the potentiality of the rural areas as migration source areas, and on the other hand, the pull capacity of the urban centres. He further recognizes the existence of economic, cultural and social relationships which are held to play a significant role in the facilitation of the migration phenomenon.

The  position  of  these  two  scholars  is  representative  of  a  corpus  of  literatures  that postulate the human capital approach to the study of migration. This approach has proved very useful in our understanding of migrations, generally, including the dynamics of migration in Africa. It is difficult to de-emphasize the role of economic factors in migration, although it must also be recognized that social and psychological factors also play some role. As aptly affirmed by Arthur:

People move because they sense a need and want to satisfy it. The nature of the need can be economic, social or psychological. Individuals become candidates for migration when the perceive opportunities for satisfying their needs elsewhere.41

According to Afolayan, internal migration in most West African countries can be seen from three epochs, the pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence era. The types of migrations associated with these eras are usually categorized as rural, rural-urban, urban and urban-rural.

Michael P. Todaro’s model is tautological. This claims to explain migratory phenomena by ascribing the motivation of migration to the migrant.42  It supposes that the decision (of the individual) to migrate is the function of two variables – Firstly, the gap in real income between the city and country side and secondly, the probability of being employed in the city. Assuming

that the individuals are situated in a defined temporal horizon which constitutes the framework of

41  J. A. Arthur, “International Labour Migration Patterns in West Africa”, African Studies Review, vol.34. No.3,

1991, 80.

42Amin, Modern Migration in Western Africa, 90.

their calculations and that they have a sense of future depreciations, which permits them to compare future costs and benefits. Todaro believes that the behavior of potential migrants can be predicted. It is evident that the migrants, being rational, would be heading towards areas where they have a better chance of success.43

John R. Weeks in his work stresses that the explanations of why people move typically begin with the push-pull theory, first formulated in the late 19th  century and that migration is selective and is associated especially with different stages in the life cycle, giving rise to the idea that migration is an implementing strategy – a means to a desired end.44

These stages include the propensity to migrate in general, the motivation to migrate to a specific  location  and  the  actual  decision  to  migrate.  The  migration  process  begins  with individuals and household members in the context of a given culture and society. The decision about  who  will  migrate,  when,  and  where  may  often  be  part  of  a  household  strategy  for improving the group’s quality of life.45  Furthermore, the household decision is not made in a vacuum; it is influenced by the socio-cultural environment in which the household members are domiciled. Individual and household characteristics are important because of the selectivity of migrants’ households while no young adults are less likely to contemplate migration. Social and cultural norms are important because they provide the context in which people might think consciously of migration.46 Weeks stressed majorly on the following areas that: migration is the process of changing and of moving a whole round of social activities from one place to another, and posits that explanations of why people migrate more typically begin with the push-pull

theory first formulated in the late nineteenth century, and also that migration forces adjustment to

43Amin, Modern Migration in Western Africa, 80.

44  J. R. Weeks, Population: An Introduction to Concepts and Issues, (London: Wadsworth Publishing Company),

211.

45J. R. Weeks, Population: An Introduction to Concepts and Issues, 221.

46J. R. Weeks, Population: An Introduction to Concepts and Issues, 221.

a new environment on the part of the migrant, and forces a societal response to the immigrant on the part of the receiving society and that labour migration accounts for a large part of the overall volume of global migration.47

A major weakness of this work is that the author centered his basic arguments on Europe and America. Migration is a phenomenon that cuts across the globe and not restricted only to the western world. The Igbo of Nigeria, West Africa are highly mobile and are found across the length and breadth of Nigeria and beyond. John Weeks did not capture the African continent in his discussion on migration in this text – thus making it not an all-encompassing literature of the phenomenon of migration as far as this research is concerned. However useful ideas have been drawn from this text which makes it relevant to the research in progress. Weeks posits that economic factors dominate the reasons why most of the people that migrated from Europe to America did in the early twentieth century down to the 1960s, and this factor still accounts for the reasons why the Igbo migrated into Makurdi town.

John. E. Agaba’s48  essay deals extensively with the same issue of migration. He traces the origins of Igbo migration into Idomaland, precisely Otukpo town from the onset of the pre- colonial era up to the post-independence era, analyzing clearly the impact their host community played and vice-versa. In as much as Agaba reveals the issue of the civil war and the changing migration patterns of the Igbo into Idomaland which appears a deviation from the research topic, vital issues relating tangibly to this research was dealt with and so much insight has been drawn from it such as the reasons for Igbo migration to Otukpo town as well as the socio-economic

activities of the Igbo in the town, thus providing further impulsion to research more on the topic

47J. R. Weeks, Population: An Introduction to Concepts and Issues, 222-223

48 J. E. Agaba, “The Nigerian Civil War and the Changing Migration Patterns of the Igbo into Idomaland; 1967 –

2007”,in The Nigerian Civil War; Forty Years after, What Lessons?, (ed.) A. M. Adejo (Makurdi: Aboki Publishers,

2008), 177-215.

and as well delve into areas where the essay did not venture into. This particular research work has as part of its aim to close such existing lacuna.

Toyin Falola and Okpeh O. Okpeh’s edited volume Population Movements, Conflicts and Displacements in Nigeria49  looked at migration in colonial Nigeria arguing that the basis of external migrations was laid during colonial period citing Igbo and Ibibio migrants who went in search of employment to Gabon, Fernando-po as instances. The book further contends that not all migrations were induced by force as they were positive and were instigated by the search for greater profits. This book is relevant to the research work in progress because it dealt extensively with migration in Nigeria.

In the book  Igbo History and Society, Adiele E. Afigbo examines the history and culture of the Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria and gives the impression of the Igbo as a people whose identity is under siege, and being embattled by negative stereotypes portraying them as anarchic, materialistic  and  belligerent.50   Falola  has  pointed  out  that  this  viewpoint  has  led  to  the assumption that ethnic identity for the Igbo is a negative influence that ought to be suppressed for the betterment of the Igbo themselves and the Nigerian Nation as a whole. However, this scholarly effort has shown that there is still time to reconstruct Igbo history, revitalize Igbo culture and set the blueprint for greater political development in Igboland. Our main focus in this research is on Igbo migrant traders and this text is more or less on Igbo history and society and

thus has much relevance to this thesis.

49  T. Falola and O. O. Okpeh (eds.), Population Movements, Conflicts and Displacements in Nigeria, (Trenton: African World Press, 2007), 3-5.

50 A. Afigbo, Igbo History and Society (Asmara: Africa World Press Inc., 2005), 111-115.

Elizabeth Isichie51 in her work A History of the Igbo People examines the origin, history and settlement of the Igbo people. The work helps us to understand the various accounts relating to the origin of the Igbo, their socio-economic and political aspect of life from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial epochs. Though more of a social history, the work is useful to this research because it helps our understanding of the Igbo culture and traditions as seen in present Makurdi town our, area of study.

Chima J. Korieh52  in The Land Has Changed: History, Society and Gender in Colonial Eastern Nigeria focuses on the central Igbo region in Southeastern Nigeria. The central concern of this work revolves around the periods of substantial growth in agriculture – the beginning of European colonization and the subsequent colonial period which witnessed a gradual but significant decline in agricultural output. These were the periods when the majority of the population  made  their  living  from  agricultural  produce.  This  book  brings  to  limelight  the changing  nature  of  agricultural  production  and  the  rural  economy  over  different  historical periods and shows how the rural population responded to these changes. Korieh’s main argument here is on the history of Igbo agrarian change and societal transformation as ordinary people responded to colonial policies and as well the structural changes that came with colonialism. It was the actions, responses, and at times the resistance of these ordinary men and women that helped  shape  both  the  colonial  society  and  the  society  the  Igbo  inherited  at  the  end  of colonialism. He discusses Igbo migration to Southern Cameroon where he affirms that the Igbo dominated the public sector employment, trade and education and concentrated his major arguments on agricultural decline in Africa and its changing identities. The chapter on migration

gives invaluable information which is very much relevant to this research enterprise.

51 E. Isichie, A History of the Igbo People, (London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1976), 211-220.

52  C. J. Korieh, The Land Has Changed: History, Society and Gender in Colonial Eastern Nigeria, (Canada: University of Calgary Press, 2007), 102-125.

Simon Ottenberg53 in his essays Igbo Religion, Social Life discusses the Igbo social and religious life in depth, thus illuminating the seemingly difficult aspect of the Igbo history. The analysis of the social aspect of Igbo life is significant to this research work because as people migrate to settle in other places other than their original homes, they move along with their culture to their newly found homes, they influenced the lives of their host communities and the host groups in turn influence the social life of the migrants. This implies that there is a cultural intercourse between the host and settler communities. The case of the Igbo in Makurdi town buttresses the above point. Although not easily given to social changes, the migrant Igbo traders have in some ways been affected socially by the complex inter-group interactions in the town, and this could be seen practically in the area of inter-marriages between the two parties.

Samson O. Amali54  in his book Ibos and their Fellow Nigerians dealt extensively with the Igbo character and nature, how and when they started migrating into the northern parts of Nigeria. Amali’s work centres on the Igbo life style and their ‘domineering’ attitude wherever they find themselves and as well discusses in depth, the activities of the Igbos in Otukpo town, tracing the origin of their entrance into Otukpo town from the earliest times during the construction process of the eastern railway as from the 1920s and 1930s. It must be emphasized here that the pull for this migration were mainly commerce, job opportunities, social infrastructures such as schools, hospital, pipe-borne water, easy means of transportation etc. According to Amali:

The Igbo came in great numbers after the railway line and motor roads had been completed. It was often

said that whenever a train was coming into the North

from the East, it came with large number of Igbo who

53 S. Ottenberg, “Igbo Religion, Social Life”, (Eritrea: Africa World Press Inc., 2006), 66-68.

54 O.O. Amali, “Ibos and Their Fellow Nigerians”, (Ibadan: University Press, 1967), 7.

would come down along stations as the train stopped at station after station. The Otukpo market was full of

Igbo traders, who then had stalls, infact a majority of the stalls…55

Amali here traces the time when the Igbos started coming into Otukpo and analyzes the economic activities of the Igbos at that time in-depth. From Amali’s work, it is discovered that the Igbos have for a long time dominated the economic activities of Otukpo town. This book is relevant to this research work because it gives a basic foundational knowledge of how the Igbo migrants gained entrance into Otukpo town and also gives us concrete ideas on the business activities that the Igbo were engaged in at the time.

Eghosa E. Osaghae56 in his work “Trends in Migrant Political Organizations in Nigeria” traces the origins of Igbo migration in Kano, their activities in Kano and how they have been able to co-habit peacefully overtime with their host. Osaghae examines also the institution of the Eze-Igbo council in Kano as well as the changing character of Igbo settlers in Kano. Though, more of political, the work is relevant to this research as it sheds light on the activities of the Igbo in the Northern parts of Nigeria.

Economic  factor  as  a  major  determinant  or  variable  influencing  migration  could  be tracked back in history. Douglas Rimmer in his work titled Economics of West Africa demonstrated that there is a long historical evidence of movement of people to exploit natural resources further.57  He explains that seasonal or temporal migration of labour most especially between forest areas of the savannah and sometimes even the crossing of political boundaries

was obvious in the colonial period and is still in the contemporary time. Migrants choose to

55 O.O. Amali, Ibos and Their Fellow Nigerians, 5.

56   E.E.  Osaghae,  Trends  in  Migrant  Political  Organizations in  Nigeria:  The  Igbo  in  Kano,  (Ibadan:  IFRA, University of Ibadan, 1994), 40.

57 D. Rimmer, Economics of West Africa, (London: Welderfield and Nikoson, 1984), 92.

move more to town with a thought to uplift themselves. This is a result of political changes by other widening horizons and stimulation of ambition through schooling and by incorporation into the programme of political parties and government

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