Abstract
The Igbo live in the South-Eastern and some parts of the South-South geo-political zones of Nigeria. However, for a number reasons, the people are found all over the country, and indeed, the world. The emergence of the Igbo in Kano owed much to British colonial policies. The early Igbo migrants, in the 1910s, were part of the labour force implementing the British colonial transport policy of railroad construction. These naturally left the city after the completion of the rail lines. However, actual Igbo migration to Kano began in the 1930s, attracted this time around, by the prospects of employment in the colonial service of the Kano Province. Here, the Igbo spirit of enterprise and competition enabled them discover areas of need of their host community and went about filling them. This work focuses on Igbo enterprises in Kano between 1960 and 2007, with emphasis on luxury bus transportation, automobile parts, patent medicine dealership and school proprietorship. The study demonstrates how many Igbo people in Kano, were able to attain varying degrees of success and clearly dominated in most of the areas of the focus of this work. These heights were attained through hardwork, resilience, risk-taking, and the communal ethos of achievement- motivation, among other factors. It examines the impact of Igbo enterprises on Kano and the Kanawa (indigenes of Kano), which was largely positive and beneficial. It also captures the relationship between the Kanawa and the Igbo (which was generally cordial but occasionally punctuated by violent conflicts), and its effects on the latter’s enterprises. It is the contention of this work that, despite the contributions of Igbo entrepreneurs to the development of Kano and improving the lot of many Kanawa, their success has usually attracted the envy of the host community, who at the slightest provocation, attacked them and their businesses. The catalytic actions of the umbrella Igbo Community Association (ICA) in Kano, which, to some extent, provided the people with much needed protection and voice on matters of interest to them, are discussed. This work identifies some of the cases of violent attacks on the Igbo
which led to loss of lives and destruction of businesses, including the Nigerian civil war. Policies adopted at both the federal and state levels, which tended to emasculate and stifle the enterprising spirit of the Igbo, only served to raise their motivation. The large population of Kano and huge potentials offered by same, huge investments already made in the city and the drive to succeed, were major pull factors that kept them in Kano. A minority of the Igbo were occasionally not cautious in their actions and speeches which sometimes exacerbated tension. With the disposition of the Kanawa, Igbo enterprises in Kano continue to be at the risk of attack and destruction at the slightest perceived provocation. In addition, despite the varying degrees of success and dominance attained by many Igbo entrepreneurs in Kano, through means already stated, many of them are still unfavourably inclined toward adopting modern business practices, such as insurance, e-commerce and modern banking transactions.The submission of this study is that Igbo entrepreneurs in Kano are hardworking and resilient and consequently, many of them attained good success. They discovered and took advantage of opportunities that came their way. They pooled their resources to develop Kano as useful members of the society. Their relationship with the host community was generally cordial but was occasionally punctuated by violent social upheavals The Igbo also helped many Kanawa apprentices set up their own businesses which are the major focus areas of this study.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
It has been stated that the emergence and development of entrepreneurship is an important phenomenon in contemporary economies.1 It is strongly linked to small and medium- size/enterprises. Among the enterprises include those set up by dispersed/migrant peoples which will increasingly shape the economic destiny of mankind. 2.
Ambitious as the above assertion may seem it has proven true in Nigeria, where various peoples, of the country have established and continue to exercise great influence in certain specific enterprises or ventures, in the places they have dispersed to some of Nigeria’s more populous ethnic groups in Nigeria namely the Hausa, Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba have shown acumen in various entrepreneurial or economic activities. For example, the Hausa have been associated with the trade in trinket and leather works, while the Fulani have assured mastery in the art of cattle rearing. The Yoruba have also established their presence in kolanuts and cocoa trade.
Among the Igbo, businesses, such as automobile parts, luxury bus, patent medicine school proprietorship among others, were dominated by them. All these are without prejudice to their status as migrants. The resilience, hard work and drive of the Igbo in Kano led them to establish the businesses in mentioned among several others, automobile parts, patent medicine, and school proprietorship. About running them and the general dominance which are the major focus of this study.
The dedicated manner in which they went about running their businesses in Kano enabled them establish dominance in them, to the near exclusion of people of other ethnicities. The latter who wanted to venture into any of these businesses, with the possible
exception of school proprietorship, would necessarily have to go through an apprenticeship programme. It is also important to point out here that the Igbo did not discriminate against anyone who indicated interest in any of the enterprises of interest to this study, irrespective of ethnic origin. It is interesting to note that many indigenes have benefited from the apprenticeship programme and have set up their own thriving businesses, courtesy of Igbo entrepreneurs in Kano.
Migrations have occurred throughout human history, beginning with the movements of the first human groups from their origins believed to have been in East Africa, to their current locations in the world.3 For millennia, as far as human memory can go, movement of
people from one area to another has been a common feature throughout the globe4 and
continues to be so. Consequently, it could be argued that migration is a global phenomenon which occurs at a variety of scales- intercontinental, intra-continental and intra-state.
In tropical Africa, migrations before the European incursions, were more often than not occasioned by the search for means of livelihood by individuals and groups, conflicts between expanding polities over land, family disputes, any sudden development which made life intolerable in a particular place, and a host of other reasons considered by the societies
concerned to warrant the move. 5 Although some of the above factors still serve as forces that
compel people to migrate, one major feature of modern migration is the tendency of the migrants to form associations in the diaspora based strictly on their origins or places of birth, where they are often, rightly or wrongly, accused of not integrating enough with, and restricted interaction or relationship between them and their host communities. 6
In a carefully documented study published in 1974, Alex Inkeles and Davids Smith
singled out the Jews of Eastern Europe, the Swiss Protestants, the Parsis of India and the Igbo of Eastern Nigeria for achievement motivation. 7 The Igbo have also been described as the most dispersed in Africa and perhaps in the whole world.8 In the precolonial period much of the dispersal or migration had been both within and from the area occupied by the Igbo in
their present southeast geo-political zone of Nigeria as well as those in Ikwereland of Rivers State and the Igbo west of the River Niger in Delta State,9 to areas occupied by their immediate neighbours such as the Igala, Urhobo, Ijo, Edo, Tiv, Idoma, among others.
As mentioned above, a number of factors made and still encourage or compel people to migrate. Among the Igbo, trade appeared to have been a major factor promoting migration in this period. Trading among the Igbo was not limited to inter-and intra-village affairs. They traded with other Igbo and non-Igbo neighbours. For example, the Nsukka people traded with the Igala and Akpoto in present day Kogi State. From the Igala they bought horses, goats and
beads in exchange for slaves, cotton cloths and palm oil.10 They also traded with other
neighbours such as the Ibibio, Efik, Tiv, Edo and Urhobo, among others.
Another important factor was what K. O. Dike described as ‘land hunger’.11 The high density of the Igbo population,12 which had become a problem from the 19th century, meant protracted use of the limited land and the consequent necessity to seek other avenues of
livelihood outside one’s homeland.
The Igbo habitual sense of adventure has also been noted as the most important cause of Igbo migration.13 This adventurous nature has been captured in certain popular anecdotes among other ethnic groups. One of them goes thus:
A Yoruba father was said to have advised his Youth Corper son travelling to the North for the first (time) to serve. Cautioned the father: Anywhere you see the Igbo just get down from the vehicle, relax and enjoy refreshment. But if you fail to see an Igbo man in any
vicinity you get to, make haste and proceed to the next bus for your own safety. 14
The amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Provinces in 1914, which meant increased requirement of clerks in the colonial service was another factor. The great depression of the late 1920s and early 1930s which adversely affected the local producers of
palm oil and kernel for export15 and the construction of the railway from Port Harcourt to Kaduna and Kano16 in the 1920s marked a turning point in the movement of the Igbo to the North. They were engaged in the colonial service, construction of the rail lines, trading and
other private enterprises. By 1960, the Igbo in Kano were engaged in several enterprises which included transportation, patent medicine, textile, spare parts, foodstuff, among others. Some of them were able to gradually grow their businesses to such levels that by the aforementioned date, the Igbo commanded a visible presence in Kano. Pax Britannica provided a degree of an enabling environment for a greater inter-ethnic interaction in Nigeria
and thus encouraged Igbo migration to other parts of Nigeria.17
The Igbo entrepreneurs in Kano showed marked characteristics of unity and hardwork. Their enterprise and success did not go unchallenged. Indeed, they attracted the jealousy, envy and attacks from other Nigerian groups. In Kano, for instance, where the Igbo
made up 38% 18 of non-Hausa/Fulani inhabitants in 1943, they, along with other migrants
from other parts of the old Eastern Region, were constrained to live in the Sabon Gari19 (Strangers Quarters) at the outskirts of the main city. This often made them easy targets of attack, especially beginning with the infamous Kano Riots of 1953. This was sparked off by resentment toward the audacity of southern politicians who had come to the North to campaign against the opposition by Northern members of the House of Representatives to the independence motion moved by Anthony Enahoro of the Action Group. One of these groups led by Samuel Ladoke Akintola, which had toured Kano was met with rioting in which many Igbo and people from other southern parts of Nigeria lost their lives and property. At about this period too, the Igbo still constituted a significant percentage of the non-Hausa/Fulani
inhabitants of Kano.20 Despite these attacks, a good number of the people still remained in the area, engaged in their various vocations through the political independence of Nigeria from Britain on October 1, 1960.
The Igbo in Kano formed town unions through which they maintained contact with one another. In the meetings of these unions, the people also discussed issues of mutual interest. In 1963 the three regional federal framework of Nigeria was restructured with the creation of the Midwestern region. The number was further increased to twelve states in 1967. Kano was one of these. By this time the Igbo in the newly created state constituted 2 percent of the population of the entire state, but also effectively controlled 11 percent of its real estate,
25 percent of its retail trade, 30 percent of the textile trade and 79 percent of the departmental stores. 21
The period between 1960 and 1970 witnessed a number of political and electoral crises, culminating in a civil war in 1967. This was fought by the federal government under General Yakubu Gowon to compel the secessionist Eastern Region to remain in the Nigerian federation. In this war, the Igbo migrants in Kano and other parts of Northern Nigeria were at the receiving end. Mass return of the Igbo to their homeland was a direct consequence. After the cessation of hostilities in 1970, many Igbo quickly went back to Kano. Adverse economic conditions in the Eastern Region caused by the devastation of the civil war and other harsh economic policies of the victorious federal military government further prompted the move. An example was the £20 (Nigerian) exchanged for the sum (Biafran pounds) held in the bank by anyone from Biafra, which exacerbated the already dire situation. However, this did not dampen their spirit of enterprise as they, in time, succeeded in re-establishing themselves in their various businesses and vocations. From their earnings they continued to make good contribution toward the development of their host communities and their places of origin. These were facilitated through the re-established town unions, especially the Igbo Community Association (ICA).
However, between 1960 and 2007 various parts of Northern Nigeria witnessed several outbreaks of violence majorly with political, ethnic and religious undertones. Kano State has had its own share of violent outbreaks. Unfortunately, more often than not the Igbo have
always been at the receiving end of the ire of the rioters. These violent crises were the Maitatsine Riot (1980), Fagge Church/Mosque (1982), Reinhardt Bonnke’s (1991), Gideon Akaluka’s Riot (1994), Shiites/Orthodox Muslim (1996), Shariah (2000), Miss World (2002), and This Day Newspaper (2002).
Despite all these, the Igbo migrants in Kano have continued to make positive impact on their host community and their homeland in the Southeastern part of the country. The resilience of the Igbo, especially in their various chosen vocations, has also continued to be acknowledged. One of the most recent of these came from former President Goodluck Jonathan, who, at a carnival organised by the Igbo socio-cultural organisations, Oha-na-Eze
NdIgbo and Aka Ikenga, at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Lagos on Saturday, 26th February,
2011, described the Igbo as not only the heart of the nation’s economy but also the barometer by which economic vibrancy is measured.22 Although this might be seen as an exaggeration, however, it still mirrors the significant roles the Igbo play in the economy of Nigeria.
Area of Study
Kano, for the purposes of this study, comprises the present geographical and political area of Kano State, within borders which were last altered on August 27, 1991. It is bounded to the west by Katsina State, Jigawa State to the east, Bauchi to the south-east, Kaduna to the south- west and Plateau to the south. The metropolis of Kasar Kano (land of Kano), is Kano city
itself, which is located almost in the centre of Hausaland and lies between latitude 10o and
35oE 23 It occupies a land area of 20, 131km2. According to the 2006 national census figures, the states’ population was put at 9,383,682. Metropolitan Kano occupies a land area of 499 km2 and was populated by 2,828,861, according to the same census figures. The latter, which is the area of focus of this work is composed of 8 local governments i.e. Kano Municipal, Fagge, Dala, Gwale. Tarauna, Nassarawa, Ungogo and Kumbotso.
Map 2: Kano State showing Locations of Igbo Enterprises (light yellowish green shade, in the middle)
Adapted from Google maps
Kano is one of the traditional Hausa states as captured in the Bayajidda legend on the origin of the Hausa states. Its rise and expansion were occasioned by the major trade routes which passed through it and which brought many immigrants to settle there.24 These had come to
take advantage of economic opportunities provided by Kano. The success of the jihad of
Usman dan Fodio in 1804 led to Kano formally being turned into an Islamic state (Emirate). The status quo remained until the 1903 conquest of the city the British on their way to Sokoto.
The first major step toward the establishment of colonial administration in Northern Nigeria was to group the Emirates into provinces. Kano province came into existence before the end of 1903 and included such emirates as Katsina, Katagum, Kazaure, Daura, Gumel, Hadejia, Misau and Jama’are. When in 1945, Arthur Richards Constitution introduced the
concept of regionalism by endorsing the three administrative framework already created by Sir Bernard Bourdillon in 1939, Kano Province found itself naturally in the Northern Region. In 1967, Kano was carved out of the Northern Region and made a state. However, in 1991, its present boundaries, within which is the area of interest of this study, were determined, when Jigawa State was carved out of it.
The entire area is located within the savannah, especially the Sudan savannah. Geographical features of the area vary from one place to another and have affected natural resource allocations in the area. Consequently, while favourable climatic conditions have been responsible for the fertility of the soil and conducive for agro-allied ventures in the Central, West and South-Western parts on the one hand, dry conditions on the other hand,
have militated against concentration of population in the eastern and southern parts.25
Agriculture constitutes a major economic activity in Kano as in most other parts of Nigeria. The area is chiefly noted for the production of grains or cereals such as millet, guinea corn and maize, among others. Availability of fodder and relative absence of tsetse flies encouraged animal husbandry on a large scale, especially cattle rearing. During the pre- colonial period, the people of Kano were also engaged in long distance trade with North Africa.
The people are also engaged in local crafts and industry. These include blacksmithing, dyeing, carving and leatherworks. Most of the inhabitants of Kano are Hausa but with the passage of time other groups such as the Kanuri, Nupe and Fulbe also settled in the area. The introduction of colonial rule further encouraged the migration of people from various parts of southern Nigeria to Kano to, among other reasons, work in the colonial service. Islam is the dominant religion in the area and has also influenced much of the people’s culture.
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