A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF IGBO-ỌMABA CHANTS AS POETICS OF CULTURE IN LEJJA TOWN NSUKKA ENUGU STATE NIGERIA

ABSTRACT

A lot of research has been carried out by scholars in the social sciences and Humanities on the Ọmaba masking institution to the extent that almost every aspect of it has been explored in one way. The Ọmaba Festival, the performance embodied in the festival, the various mask heads have attracted the attention of critics who have attempted to prove the several aspects as indigenous  theatre, drama and artistic masterpieces  respectively.  Among  these  notable critics are Emmanuel Obiechina, Ossie Enekwe, M.J.C Echeruo, Romanus Egudu and Chike Aniakor. The scholars seemed so engaged in the debate that the traditional chants rendered during the Festival are not highlighted for academic purposes. Only a little of the chants is studied  by  Obiechina,  who  stopped  at  the  influence  of  the  chants  on  the  surrounding academic environ. This study offers to investigate the language of the chants to ascertain the literary value inherent in them and how the figures of speech are implicitly used to express the performer’s feelings in the specified context. The effect of the figurations on the audience is also ascertained. The study analyzes the text in line with the New Historicism theory of Stephen Greenblatt to explore the extent of interrelationship of the text and its environment of creation. The finding of the study is that the language of the chant contains rich artistic and literary figurations which relay the people’s experience in their cultural environment.

CHAPTER ONE

Ọmaba: Background Study

1.1      The Meaning of Ọmaba

Ọmaba (also called Omabe, depending on the local variant) is one of the  masking institutuions  in the  Nsukka  cultural  zone  alongside  Odo  and  Mmanwu  masking  groups. Although Ọmaba is a subject that has enjoyed wide research, it is surprising that there is no consensus definition coined from the name. Each researcher  (those who have cared to go beyond the mere definition of it as ‘a masquerade cult group in Nsukka’) comes up with a totally  different  view,  and  so  diverse  are  the  definitions  that  a  new  researcher  is  first confronted with the problem of identifying with a particular opinion.

Raphael Ikechukwu Odo emphatically states that “Omabe is a god that is associated with the Nsukka people, and that this god is the most popular among all the gods that Nsukka people are known to worship (1).” On the other hand, Wilfred Olijo Omeke (2) proposes that “Ọmaba is a cult, whose secrecy is hidden from women and children.” By this view, Omeke shares the same view as Obiechina who sees the concept as a cult of the ancestral spirits. For Helen Ugwuanyi, ‘the Omabe is an actor or performer whose personal identity is physically concealed, and it is because of the fact that Ọmabe acts and performs in various ways like dancing, miming, etc, it is regarded as an ancestral spirit.’ In total contradiction to every other view,  Godwin  Aleke’s  research  (1)  postulates  that  Ọmaba  is  ‘a  travelling  spirit  which transformed itself into a human form while travelling with a sacrifice (ẹjà) (1).’According to him, that is the  reason the deity is said to have originated from Lejja, a small town in the central part of Nsukka.

The conceptual problem facing the researcher  among all these opinions then is  to ascertain whether  Ọmabe  is a god, a cult or neither.  On this  however,  the dearth  in  the

number of the secluded members, the elderly and the Ọmaba priests (the Atamas) leaves the

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researcher  at the  mercy of the  inexperienced  people,  the Atama’s  children  and  christian converts  who refuse to be identified  with such discussions.  It was a bit  disappointing  to realize that not many of the so called ‘elderly’ actually know what  Ọmaba really means. While some, for example, Ugwokeja Ogbobe from Ebara, Lejja,  would say that Ọmaba is simply maa (spirit), others like Nwachukwu Asadu from Isiakpu, Nsukka, maintain that it is a god of fertility. On the other hand, many others like Nathaniel Nwagbo of Umuakpo, Lejja, Mellitus  Eze  (Iheakpu,  Obollo),  Theophilus  Ude  (Eluegu,  Obukpa),  and  Patrick  Agbo (Ohulo, Obollo), Charles Eze (Ede  Oballa),  most of whose fathers were one time Atamas overwhelmingly  state  that  Ọmaba(e)  is a deity whose  being  is a conglomeration  of the ancestral spirits. These  people also argue that this nature of Ọmaba does not earn it the attribute of being ‘worshipped’ in the real sense of the word  but rather, they are revered and viewed as sacred by the people for their mediatory roles to the Ezechitoke who is the supreme god of the universe. This view of Ọmaba as a representative of the ancestral spirits which physically manifest themselves in different mask heads is in line with Chinua Achebe’s view of masquerade in Things Fall Apart, as ‘the spirit of the ancestors just emerged from earth’ (63)

The Igbo believe that the ancestors are made up of individuals who lived a just life by abiding by the laws and customs of the land. They are also viewed as having attained the societal  yardsticks of fulfilment like maintaining  a peaceful house and  never incurred the wrath of the gods by their actions. These ancestors stay close to the living to protect them from evil. In other words any natural disaster that befalls a man like a burnt house, chronic illness,  barrenness,  serial deaths  and  constant  cases of  pilfering  in a family are not  just oversights. Such a home really has to consult the oracle to know where it had fallen short and make  efforts  to placate  the deity through  the ancestors  who  serve  as their mediators.  A righteous man, on the other hand, is always blessed with bumper rewards from the ancestors

such as many children, increased proceeds from the farm, protection from natural disasters, and a redress against his enemies. At this juncture, we can envisage the nature and position of Ọmaba among the people.

In order to ascertain whether  Ọmaba  is a god or a cult, we have to look at  both concepts.  Scott  Littleton’s  book  entitled,  God,  Goddesses  and  Mythology,  (1)  sees  the concept ‘god’ from the perspective of a ‘deity’ where he has it that a god is a male deity while a goddess is a female deity. He sees a ‘deity’ as ‘a being with powers greater than those of ordinary humans, but interacts with humans, positively or negatively, in a way that carry humans to new levels of consciousness beyond the grounded preoccupations of ordinary life.’ Deities are supernatural beings that are regarded by the people as sacred, divine and holy and as  well  commonly  assumed  to  have  personalities,  consciousness,  intellects,  desires  and emotions.  Deities are also  depicted  in a variety of forms, but are frequently expressed  as having human forms. Some faiths and traditions therefore consider it blasphemous to imagine or depict the deity as having a concrete form. A god, on the other hand, refers to a being that has supernatural powers, believed in and worshipped by people. Priests offer sacrifices to that being as well as rituals.  On whether Ọmaba is a god, the elders have maintained that Ọmaba is not a god. Since nobody worships it and no one performs a sacrifice to it, then it does not serve the purpose of a god to them. From the opinions above, I can deduce that Ọmaba which is an assemblage of ancestral incarnate beings is definitely more of a deity than a god.

Furthermore, a cult is defined by Alan Gomes as:

A  group  of  people,  which  claiming  to  be  Christians,  embraces  a particular  doctrinal  system  taught by an individual  leader,  group  or leaders or organisations, which denies (either explicitly or implicitly) one or more of the central doctrines of the Christian faith as taught in the sixty-six books of Bible. (1)

Again, Christopher Partridge sees a ‘cult’ as a group of individuals (not deviants in any way) who just emerge and decide what they will or will not believe. There is no external influence whatsoever on this group as every authority and charisma emanate from within the individuals  themselves.  For  Partridge  also,  this  group  exhibits  an  attitude  of  ‘mystic collectivism’,  which  means  that the members  have  secrets  kept  within  them  in order to sustain their existence. Louis Hughes (352) considers as a cult any group that manifests an unethical mind control of its members. He maintains further that such a group has a leader that wields overwhelming power on the entire members and has a right to alter the cult’s rules and beliefs at will. Hughes also has it that the group always operates with “the end justifies the means,”  philosophy which  is  made manifest  in their involvement  in thefts and other crimes. Furthermore, the term ‘cult’ has meant different things to different eras; while some have  attributed  it  to  mind  control  and  brainwashing,  unspeakable  occult  practices  or forbidden  magics,  or  blasphemous  rites  performed  under  the  moon  (devil  worship  or witchcraft). More recently, it has been applied to any group of people desperate to belong to something greater than themselves. The central idea that cuts across all the perspectives of cult is the attribute of egocentrism that governs the group; in other words, every action taken by the members is for the interest of the members and nothing external. Cultism therefore is an organisation of the members for the members.

Having gone through the above concepts, this study corroborates  the position  that Ọmaba  in  itself  is  not  a  cult  because  the  membership  is  liberal  in  the  sense  that  the individuals  are representatives  of the entire community since  almost all male  community members belong to it as well as some women [who have attained menopause and those who have the Ọyịma title (a title taken by interested women who have attained menopause and can meet the financial requirements of such a title]. Women in the menopause stage of life are chosen because they have exceeded the menstrual stage which Ọmaba detests as a feminine

quality.   The only secret of the group is to preserve its traditions and keep to the secret of not revealing the humanness of the mask headers and most times it has no evil intention towards the people. In other words, this study is more inclined to refer to the Ọmaba institution as a sacred institution rather than a cult.

Consequently,  this study as a matter of conviction will be restricted  to the use  of “reverence” instead of “worship” to qualify Ọmaba. Also, this study deduces from all of the above ideas that Ọmaba is a deity whose being is a conglomeration of the ancestral spirits. Ọmaba is, therefore, a concept that goes beyond the Western conception of ‘masquerade’ as a mere object of amusement/entertainment  or disguise just as earlier researchers pointed out. As a result, this study affirms the assertions of Meki Nzewi, Tom Miachi, Ossie Enekwe and others that Ọmaba   is not to be regarded as a  ‘masquerade’ but as ‘an incarnate being’- a concept that is more inclusive in highlighting its symbolic undertone.

1.2      THE ORIGIN OF ỌMABA

The origin of Ọmaba has been shrouded in a lot of contradictory views among the Ọmaba  participants.  While  some  stubbornly  refuse  to  look  beyond  their  towns  as  the progenitors of Ọmaba, others speculate on the diffusion trend. Others, on the  other hand, gave stories that have more realistic elements than the rest, as seen below.

Theophilus Ude of Eluegu Obukpa (a former Ọmaba priest-Atama) contends that the Ọmaba he knows comes from Umuahọugwu village, now known as Ụmụọrụwa in Obukpa town of Nsukka Local Government Area. According to him, two women went in search of firewood inside the Ahougwu forest and as they were busy with their task, they encountered a strange  phenomenon,  which  was  two  Utobos  (from  the  gorilla   family)  dancing  to  a mysterious music. Completely baffled by the strange sight, the women ran home in fear. And so afraid were they when they got home that they could not narrate their experience to anyone (one actually wonders how credible this conspiracy of silence among the women could be

considering the alleged talkative nature of women). The women later they fell sick because they remained silent. The Utobo then came to them in their sleep and coaxed them to talk. One of them then recounted  to the people what she saw at Ahọugwu and  what the Utobo wanted them to do. The message was that the villagers should institute an Ọmaba masking culture which would follow a particular tradition and the guidelines of participation that it would give. Ọmaba in Ọbukpa, according to Ude, was then  instituted  in accordance with Utobo’s directives and that is why Ahọugwu village (which is now Ụmụọrụwa) is generally regarded as the head of Ọmaba in Ọbụkpa. Ụmụọrụwa therefore, has the traditional right of producing the Atama Ọmaba in Ọbụkpa and Utobo, on the other hand, is sacred among the people.

One case which should be interesting to some feminist scholars is the fact that Utobo not only left out the female-founders in the participation of the Ọmaba event which they were used to institute but also deprived them of the glory of being celebrated just like the land where they had the encounter with the strange beings. The land produces  the priests (the Atama Ọmabas) while the women are left with nothing. I, most especially, wonder why it is so.

Another account of Ọmaba origin stated by Olijo Wilfred Omeke’s research agrees with the fact that it was adopted from an already existing practice in other areas of Nsukka, Ovoko and Iheaka. The story is narrated thus:

A  visionary  named  Mbanwudele  came  down  from  Ovoko,  a  town  where Omabe has gained ground, to Eke Amufie in Enugu Ezike. He proclaimed that he had a vision in which Omabe revealed to him that  he would kill many people from Enugu-Ezike if they did not institute and celebrate its festival as it is done in other towns. As the visionary related  his vision, people paid no attention. They regarded  his words as the  frivolous utterances  of a lunatic. However, he was persistent and kept on delivering his message on every Eke market day. As time went by, the people of Enugu-Ezike became worried. The

threat  by Omabe  to  kill  many people  from  Enugu-Ezike  if they failed  to comply with his order made them uneasy. Secondly, people from Enugu-Ezike who  attended  the  Omabe  festival  in  other  towns  liked  the  art  form  and consequently advocated its institution in their towns.  The above two factors compelled  the  elders  of the  town  to  sit together  to  determine  whether  to institute Omabe in Enugu Ezike or ban it. A diviner was therefore consulted and  he  confirmed  that  failure  to  do   what  Mbanwudele  said  would  be disastrous. Mbanwudele was immediately sent for to give directives on how to institute  and  celebrate  Omabe  festivals.  On  his  arrival,  he  directed  that  a mound of clay, up to three metres should be erected and crowned up with an earthen ware pot. Kola nut, palm wine and a cock should be sacrificed on that mound which hitherto was referred to as Igbudu Omabe. He further directed that the feast of Omabe be held every five years and that different arms of the festival  should  be celebrated  continually  for a year  for aesthetic  purposes, Nwudele explained, there should be play, music, and mask head heads during Omabe festivals and competitions and that,   different mask heads should be designed  to encourage healthy competition.  After the  visionary’s  directives, Omabe was instituted in Enugu–Ezike. The festival first started in Umuachi village. Ugbaike took the cue, followed by Amufie and Olido to the rest of the towns. The plays, mask heads, and costumes of the drama were modified year after year to their present day standards (4-6).

Raphael Ikechukwu Odo has his own version of the story which was narrated to him by ‘Mr Ọjọbo Agbo, a chief priest of Ọmabe in Obollo’ about the origin of Ọmabe:

Ọmabe is said to have appeared to a farmer on the top of a hill at Lejja and the man fell sick and later died. After this man’s death, the spirit (Ọmabe) continued chasing and killing people who crossed that hill. People then started asking  questions and later, divination  was used in finding out about the existence  of  the Ọmabe.  Lejja people  got  to  know  that  a spirit  was  annoyed  and  wanted  pacification  before  it stopped menacing the villagers. One of the reasons for the god’s annoyance was that it had been relegated  to the background  by the  people’s love for other gods. The participation of the god took different shapes with drama forming a major part. Lejja has been introduced to Ọmabe and it spread to other parts of Nsukka within a short

time. How? The chief priest had this to say: ‘It came through intermarriage and trade. As all things belong to god, whoever got anything from Lejja got what belonged to god, thereby bringing  the god to his/  her own town.  The god did  manifest  itself through killing and the Lejjas were called in to intervene. This god was called in to intervene.  This  god  was  then  installed  in  almost  all  the  neighbouring  towns  in Nsukka. This is how Nsukka towns came to share a common deity called Ọmabe (1-

2).

Odo, however,  vehemently  opposes  the story above because,  according  to  him, it lacks  scientific  evidence;  has  no  theoretical  basis  and  merely  came  from  a  biased  and unreliable oral tradition. He then affirms the Idoma account of the origin of the Ọmabe given to him by Ape Ocho from Idoma as the more authentic and credible version. This states that:

‘The god descended from heaven onto a hill from where it manifested itself. Ape Ocho said further: ‘I do not know who started Ọmabe first, but stories had it that we transferred it to your people.’ So, accordingly, Odo concludes that:

I learnt that people were forced to worship the gods of the people who defeated them in wars. It is said that Nsukka was once under the Atta of Igala. This must have been how  they (Nsukka  people)  got  to  know  and  worship  Ọmabe.  Structures  like  the conical shrine house of Ọmabe and the Idoma type of ọfọ go a long way to proving the story right. As the story goes, it seems that Ọmabe descended from heaven to a hill-top and from there got to the people. Ọmabe then got to Obollo through inter- cultural diffusion (3).

Ogbonnaya Eke from Aguibeje, Enugu-Ezike who although seemed unaware of the above stories, is firm in his statement that Ọmaba already existed in the Nsukka areas before it came down to Enugu-Ezike. To him, Ọmaba must have come from Idah, where according to some stories, Nsukka people came from. The same view is shared by Ikechukwu  Odo (Obollo) who concludes in his research that Omabe must have come from Idoma in Benue State. He argues further that since people were usually forced to  worship the gods of the

people who defeated them in war, Nsukka must have adopted the Ọmaba institution from its earlier conquerors. Again, Chike Aniakor, supports the above researchers by asserting that;

Such titles as Asadu and Asogwa  are of direct Igala origin and it may  be presumed that the Igalas left agents in some quarters and introduced the title system as a source of profit to them. It is alleged that some of the old earth- works and ditches round Nsukka date from the time of the Igala invasion. It is also said that in Ibagwa-Ani, the Eze had to visit Idah (in the past) to receive his regalia from the Ata… Along the northern border, that the Igbo had come in contact with the Igala, Tiv, Idoma, Yaks and Membe.  This factor has been responsible for the intra-diffusion  of  cultural  elements on both sides of the line.  Contact  between  Nsukka  and  Idoma  has cultural  implications  in this context. (290)

Aniakor concludes further that it is possible that Igbo Ọmabe and Idoma Ọmabe have common origin or that Idoma may in fact be the origin of the Ọmabe Festival or vice versa. Ikechukwu Odo believes that Aniakor’s opinion and his are superior to that of his father who offhandedly reeled out the oral tradition which claimed that Ọmaba  came from Lejja. He vehemently registers his objection to such a blind myth which, he claims, does not have any researchable  evidence.  But in reaction to both Aniakor and  Odo’s views, Meletus Eze (a former   Atama)   and  Patrick   Agbo   (Atama’s  son),   from  Iheakpu   and  Ọhụlọ   Obollo respectively, unanimously asserted that what they have in their oral tradition has always been that ‘Lejja Ugwoke nwe maa’ (Lejja Ugwoke owns the incarnate beings).

On Lejja being the origin of the Ọmaba  tradition,  Nathaniel  Nwagbo,  an  Ọmaba devotee from Umuakpo, Lejja, has an interesting story that goes thus: prior to the emergence of Ọmaba in the whole of the Nsukka cultural zone was a dominance of Odo masquerade practice.  Odo,  short  for  Odomagana,  just  like  Ọmaba,  is  also  an  encapsulation  of  the ancestral spirit that also had a cult of participants but its reverence was massively rejected as a result of frequent of misunderstandings that fell out among the participants on the issue of

seniority. Seniority was a case among the people then because it was the eldest town  that announced the festival date and welcomed the Ọmaba deity first into the land of the humans. The powers of the eldest town do not just end with the festival but the town also commands a lot of respect from the rest of the other communities in every ramification. That of course, resulted in a constant power tussle among the communities who were so battle hungry then that even a mere exchange of words between two people could lead to a fatal fight between two towns. The only obvious reason for the frequent fights then was that battles then were very good grounds for self-gratification as a man was not considered a worthy member of his community up until he had got a head from war.  Such men then were ranked so high by the society  then  that  the  Okobonyi  dance  (the  heroes’  dance)  was  meant  for  them  alone. Therefore, in order ‘to belong,’ regular fights were always yearned for and such was the state Odo put the people then.

Not only was there the case of seniority fights, there was also what C.K Meek termed

‘murder mask head’ transformation of the Odo cult partakers. Meek stated that participants largely committed oracle abuse when they started using the cult as a ‘cloak for committing murder.’ The abuse was such that the cultists, in the name of carrying  out Odo’s wishes started killing their enemies. Since Odo allowed human sacrifice, the enemies of the cultists were victims of their caprices. Then, the Ebara people of Lejja, fed up with all those horrific experiences of Odo practice, single-handedly went to Egrǝ, Oka (Agulu, Awka) and adopted Ọmaba with all its rudiments of reverence. A story widely known among the Lejja people that supports the fact that Ọmaba comes from  Awka was relayed by Nathaniel Agbo (an Ọmaba devotee from Ụmụakpọ, Lejja) thus:

There was an itinerant blacksmith (egrǝ) from Awka that settled at Amankwo, Lejja to repair the arms of war during the historic serial wars between Lejja and Obimo (neighbouring towns). The blacksmith never stayed at Lejja to celebrate the Ọmaba Festival as he usually

went home to celebrate the festival with his people. On one occasion of Ọmaba Festival, a Lejja friend pleaded with him to stay but he refused and instead, told the man to send across whatever gift that was meant for him through Ọmaba. The Lejja friend then put meat, utaba (snuff) and a tuber of yam in a basket and told Ọmaba to take it to his Awka friend. When the friend came back to Lejja, he acknowledged  receipt of all those gifts sent to him through Ọmaba. So, for the people of Lejja, they and those of Awka share the same masking culture and it came to them through the Adada River.  Josaphat Okpe, a researcher in Ọmaba, also supports this claim as he strongly believes that Ọmaba, whom the people of Lejja refer to both as ‘Ugwoke and father’ together with his wife, Ugwunye, could have been an itinerant blacksmith  from  Agulu,  Awka  and  ‘they introduced  Ọmaba  from  their  ancestral  home.’ Okpe, who objects to the fact that Lejja people are from Awka or Agulu descent suspects that they may have come from Idah in Kogi State.

It is at this juncture that we examine Cletus Opata’s view on the issue, which  is somewhat  contrary  to  all the  other  ones  raised  earlier.  Opata  argues  that  Lejja  neither borrowed the culture from any town nor was it an offshoot of any town or tribe. To him, Lejja just  sprang  into  existence  together  with  the  unique  and  authentic  tradition  of  Ọmaba reverence. According to him, Lejja was the first surviving son of Ugwoke and Ugwunye, who were assumed to have appeared on the hill.  They also had a second son called Abi. Lejja’s father was said to have shared his life between his spiritual father and his biological family. So he decided to be alternating the periods he would be with his father in the spirit world and the time he would spend with his family. In other words, Lejja’s father spent six months with the spiritual father and the other six months with his immediate family. According to Opata, in the first six months Ugwoke  spent with his family he represented  Ọmaba while in the second six- month-visit, he represented Odo. So, that was why Lejja was the Onyishi of both Ọmaba and Odo.

The story goes  further  that Ugwoke  wanted  Lejja to be provided  with  maximum protection. So, before he left, he drew a line with his knife and a river appeared and from the river appeared a boundary between the physical and the spiritual world. Then he gave his son a wife upon whom he gave an injunction to ‘increase and multiply’ by the following words – Ada-Ada-Nwabueze  (daughters upon daughters, the  child is the king). After that, Ugwoke jumped into the river whose name has been maintained as Adada River up until this moment. As  Ugwoke  was  jumping  into  the  river,  the  son wanted  to  stop  him  and  a big python appeared.  He took a knife  left  by his father and cut it up. Ugwoke  then ate the python, vomited it and washed his hands in the river. These actions of his were summed up as kee, rie, hoa, kwoa which gave rise to the four days of the week namely- Eke, Orie, Aho, Nkwo. When Ugwoke came back to their settlement, he found out that the mother had left home. Abi too was  nowhere to be seen because they had long parted ways for he had a passion for hunting Northwards. Ugwoke settled down with his wife but continued looking out for his mother as he hunted. He later saw the mother but found out that she had got three children elsewhere namely; Nike, Egede, and Afa. These children continued to intermingle until the artificial separation brought about by the colonial boundaries. Opata believes that Lejja did not only found the days of the week but also the twenty-eight days in the month which are enshrined in the Ọmaba and the Odo musical instruments, and the lunar month of the year with the one called Ohugohu month, in preparation for Ovuruzo, the fore runner of Ọmaba and Odo.

With  the  story above,  Cletus  Opata  argues  against  the  purported  idea  that  Lejja borrowed the culture from either the Igala tribe (Kogi state), Awka, Anambra  state or the Idoma tribe of Benue state. In his view, Lejja had existed long before the era of the claimed external  influence  from  any  town  or  tribe.  Not  only  did  Lejja  exist  but  also  was  so economically  viable that it could not have been easily subdued by others as was hitherto

portrayed in the early documentation of events in Nsukka. According to Opata’s observations too, the presence of Igbo Ahaba in the area, which provided the stubborn and strong stumps appropriate  for use in iron smelting and  the iron slags found  all  over  Nsukka  and Lejja (estimated to be 5000 years by the Archaeologists) much earlier than the said era of incursion by either the Igala or Awka were enough proofs that Nsukka could have actually given out the skill of iron smelting and blacksmithing  to  Awka  and also influenced  the Igala  both economically and culturally and not vice versa.

In support of Opata’s claims is an item in the postings of Atayi Babs from  Kogi state on the internet which quoted J. S Boston thus:

The indigenous population of Igala is represented politically, and in the oral tradition, by a group of clans called Igala Mela, who were supposed to have occupied Idah from the beginning. They act as king makers in the political system,  and  also  control  san earth cult  which symbolizes  the  fertility  and benevolence of the land throughout Igala kingdom. One other aristocratic clan which I should mention is the clan of the Achadu, who is the head of the king makers  and  holds  the  Igala  Mela  group  together.  Though,  in  fact,  the Achadu’s  clan,  like the royal clan, is  of  immigrant  origin and  traces its descent to an Ibo who came into  the  Igala area for something. (Emphasis mine).

Although, this study has tried to establish the point of migration and who influenced

who, the confusion still remains because the festivals in the said towns of influence have been thoroughly examined yet none has had anything similar to Ọmaba in their traditions except few statements which could be traceable to them.  Awka, for example, according to Mr Pius Uyanwa from Nibo in Awka South, had the following festivals,  the Onwa Mvụ (the first month) festival which celebrates the Egwu Imo-Oka festival. Imo Oka is a female deity that was said to have been imported into Awka from Benue State. This deity plays the role of a guardian and a protector of all sorts to Awka people, especially, in times of war and all sorts

of external threats to the community. The major participants here are the female worshippers of Imo-Oka, who perform the Opu-Eke dance and the Ezemmuo (the chief priest).

At the heels of Onwa Mvụ is the feast of the second month (Onwa Ibo), which celebrates Ukwu, the god of fortune and patron of travellers. The third month (Onwa ito) also known as Onwa Obubuanwulu  which marks the end of the Amanwulu festival is  celebrated and the monthly celebrations  continue till the twelveth month. The term  Ajoka which is used by Ọmaba faithfuls to greet the deity when it passes by was observed among the Awka people as it designates the god of the territory of Awka. Ajoka is a male god that watches over Awka land.

Igala, on the other hand, has the following mask head heads, Ekwe (the leader  of Atta’s  nine  masquerades),   Ikeleku  Afuma,   Inelekpe  (one  of  the  Atta’s  revered   nine masquerades), Abulufada Oma Ekwe, Agbanabo, Icha Ulekpe,Onwuna, Akeke,  who  exhibit features slightly related to the Akatakpa mask heads found in Obollo and some other towns in Nsukka socio-cultural zone.

Although all the elders interviewed in the Igbo Ọmaba area had unanimous agreement that Odo came before Ọmaba, none of the stories told by any of the towns  captured the gradual substitution of Odo with Ọmaba save Nathaniel Agbo’s. For  Solomon Onyishi of Amube, Lejja, what actually came down from Ida was the Odo cult and that was in 1433 (the real source of this information is unknown). So far, because of the fact that Nathaniel Agbo’s story captured  the change trend from Odo to Ọmaba, it  may again appear plausible  that Ebara, Lejja is the originator of the Ọmaba culture in Nsukka. That could also explain why Ebara community in Lejja is widely known among the Ọmaba participating regions as the head of Ọmaba while Lejja, on the higher level, is its owner. In support of this proposition is a song widely sung by the Lejja people to mark the return of the deity to the spirit world:

N’ọbǝ Ẹbara O!                                It is Ẹbara Oh!

N’ ọbǝ Ugwuǝsha dǝ Ugbele O!       It is the Esha hill of Ugbele Oh! Ga na-atụ ẹnya nya     O!                  That is expecting me Oh!

In conclusion, although all the stories are riddled with one missing link, the  study adopts Opata’s view because the majority view of the oral tradition in the Nsukka area points towards Lejja as the head of the masking institution as the Nwadịara incarnate being of Lejja is said  to  settle  disputes  among  all other  neighbouring  towns (this  is  also  mentioned  in Raphael Odo’s account), coupled with the iron slag residues deposited all over Lejja which proved its economic viability and self sustenance in the past.   Again, the fact that no other town or settlement celebrates the festival outside Nsukka socio-cultural area strengthens the views that Ọmaba originates from Lejja.

1.3 The Igbo Ọmaba Cultural Group

1.3.1    The Geographical spread of Igbo Ọmaba

Among the Igbo, the term ‘Igbo’ designates three things namely; the language,  the tribe, and a group. It is in the sense of a group that the concept is used in this study. Hence Igbo  Ọmaba  refers  to  a group  that  reveres  the  Ọmaba  deity and  practises  its  stipulated traditions.  In  addition,  Cletus  Opata  has  a contrary  view  pertaining  to  the  Igbo  Ọmaba concept. He claims that Nsukka is the original settlement of the Igbo and that all other forms of civilization emanated from it. According to him, that was why the early settlers of the old Nsukka zone used Igbo as a designating term for their agricultural areas hence there were the following; Igbo Ahaba, Uzo Egu, Igbo Oda, Igbo Ani, Udunedem. Socially, there is another division known as the Igbo Ọmaba,and Igbo Odo. The divisions, according to Cletus Opata, are highlighted this way;

    Igbo Ahaba. This was made up of the Nsukka plateau which stretches from South to

North in the centre of the area – Ukehe, Ibagwa – Aka, Enugu Ezike Area. This area

was famous for iron technology that used Ahaba stumps for charcoal in the furnaces for iron extraction. This area was also famous for distant trade in the olden days.

      Ụzọ Egu. These included the settlers in the Eastern sloping low land from Egu Eha down to Ikem and Eha Amufu. This is famous for food production and hard wood for building purposes.

    Igbo Ọda. This occupied the Western slope down to the Anambra river Basin.

      Igbo Ani. This formed  the north Western lowland  which  is also  famous for  food production, especially, yams.

    Ekete Ekere. This is an area that depended largely in food produced in other areas.

The settlers federated long ago for self-defence during the inter-tribal/ village wars

      Udunedem. Those who belong to this group are found in the North-Eastern side of the zone. They confederated for defence against their external enemies and they were also mainly traders.

Socially, we have the above groups sub-divided into:

      Igbo Ọmaba – This stretches from in the South to Enugu Ezike along the central part of the zone and from Nkpologu in the West to Obollo in the East

      Igbo Odo – This is made up of mainly the Eastern communities of the Uzo Egu and  all  the  communities  South  of  Ekwegbe,  from  Umunko,    down  to  Aku, Akpugo, Adada, and Nkume.

      Igbo Mmanwu. This group neither celebrates the Odo nor the Ọmaba. It stretches from Igbo Oda area down to Ogurugu and has fewer towns in it.

For further clarification,  we have the following towns   classified  under the  Igbo Ọmaba area; Lejja – as the Onyishi (head of) Ọmaba, Obimo, Ochima, Ohodo, Ede-Oballa, Ozara, Opi, Ekwegbe, Ohebe-Dim, Nsukka as well as its three other quaters (Nguru as the

head,  Ihe-Owere  (second),  and  Nru  (last),  Enugu-Ezike,  Isiakpu,  Obukpa  some  parts  of

Ovoko, Iheaka, Imilike, Ikem, Ihe-Amufu and others.

Among all these towns, Lejja as the head (eldest) uses its Nwadiara to settle disputes among them and announce the general date for the Ọmaba festival to  celebrate Ọmaba’s return to the earth. This date is then circulated among the member towns and each chooses a date  that  would  not clash with those  of others  to  encourage  inter-community  visitations during the period. Lejja, among all the Igbo Ọmabas is also known as Igbo n’eti Odo n’eti Ọmaba (a group that produces both Odo and  Ọmaba). This occurrence  is because of the Owere people of Lejja who still retained the Odo devotion amidst all other communities of Lejja which had done away with it.

1.3.2    The Unique Features of the Igbo Ọmaba Cultural Group

Ọmaba and Odo share a lot of similarities, like the same nature as ancestral spirits, the Ụda Maa (the return of the spirit to earth) and ụla maa (its depature to the spirit  world), seasonal celebration, secluded participation and women prohibition. Apparently, Igbo Ọmaba still has certain identification features that make it easily recognisable to a  stranger. These are:

1.3.2.1 The Costume

The most prominent distinguishing feature of Ọmaba from Odo is the costume. While Odo, in most cases, shuns the use of clothes as the material for its costume in favour of palm fronds and raffia strands which are naturally got from plants, Ọmaba makes use of traditional woven material, shiny buttons that are fastened on the regalia  of the Ujams as well as an Ashakpa.  The  woven  materials  are  no  longer  common  nowadays  as  the  Ori-okpa,  for example, now wears tailor – made trousers and shirts from white cotton foreign materials. Likewise,  the  Edi  and  Okokoro  mask  headers  now  use  Ankara  materials.  The  Ankara materials are folded into long strips and are either spread or tied around the body. This, of

course is evidence of modernity creeping into the system. Again, unlike the Odo whose mask heads appear in just one form of a conical mask head and exposed legs right from the thighs, Ọmaba   has   several   forms   (Ókókórò,Ụjam,Ụgwa/Óríọkpa,Mbǝrǝ,etc.)   which   attend   to different duties as may be assigned by Ọmaba.

1.3.2.2 Names

The names of individuals in a community oftentimes signal elements that tell whether an area is Igbo Omabe or Igbo Odo. For example, boys who are born mgbẹ  maa no n’alǝ (when the Ọmaba spirit is dwelling on earth) are called Ugwoke, Ọtaka,  Uroko (Obollo’s name for Omabe), Obodoike. The boys’ female counterparts go by the name, Ọyịma (friend of the spirit). The Igbo Odo, on the other hand have their boys named ọyị Odo which means Odo’s friend.1

1.3.2.3 Women / Children Participation

While Odo has a complete zero tolerance for both women and children, Ọmaba, on the other hand, tolerates children and women who are still virgins or those who have attained the menopausal age. Since it is difficult to tell who is menstruating, any woman who is within the age range of menstrual flow is prohibited from Ọmaba participation. Makata has it thus:

Women are also initiated into the Ọmaba practice. These women are usually grown-ups and must be married. These women after having been initiated can be allowed to see the unmasked nakedness of Ọmaba. They are free to watch the process  of mask making  and demasking.  They are  known  as Ọyịma  –

lovers of Omabe/friends.2

1.3.2.4 Ọyị Ọmaba (Ọmaba friends) Visitations

All the Igbo Ọmaba (save Nsukka and Obukpa whose festivals rotate among  their four quarters once every four years) simultaneously celebrate their festivals every two years. What is obtainable therefore, is that the Ọdida maa (return of the spirit) is a sequential event

among  the member  towns  in their  order of seniority.  The  seniority issue seems  to  have relapsed in recent times. In the year 2012, for example, that of Opi returned first, followed by that of Ede-Oballa, then Lejja up until it gets to the last town. The villagers were therefore, availed of the opportunity of the Ọyị Ọmaba (Ọmaba friends) visitations. The departure takes the same manner in the reverse order up until it gets back to Adada.

1.3.2.5 Ọnụ Ẹnyanwụ

The Ọnụ enyanwụ is identified as a littering of pots which symbolise the water carrier and as well the Adada deity. It is usually located at a post in the entrance of a compound and pointed out as a distinguishing element of the Igbo Ọmaba. Some, however, argue that it has more to do with the Igbo people in general than just the Igbo Ọmaba.

From the peculiarities mentioned  above, we are able to deduce that both the  Igbo Ọmaba and the Igbo Odo cover several towns. As a result of the common belief they share, there  is a kind of close relationship  ties among the participating  towns.  For  example,  an individual from Ede-Obala, would be more hospitable to a guest from any of the Igbo Ọmaba towns better than that from the Igbo Odo because of what is known as the anyị – anyị (we – we) philosophy among them. This same relationship bond thrives among the Odo participants too.

1.4 The Ọmaba Festival

The Ọmaba festival is essentially a masking enactment that features the return of the ancestral  spirits  called  Ọmaba  to  the  human  world.  The Ọmaba  deity  is  personified  by different  incarnate  beings  whose  stay on earth varies  from a time  range  of five to eight months among the Igbo Ọmaba towns. That of Ede-Obala lasts for just five months because of their belief in the statement that, ‘Maa bịa n’ugwu Ọ laa n’ugwu (if the spirit comes with respect, then it would go with respect). This statement in essence means that the brief stay of

the deity on earth sustains its value/respect. On the other hand, the Ọmabas of other towns do stay for seven months and more.

Although, Ọmaba may vary among the member towns in respect of costumes, mask heads and names of Ọmaba  activities, the major hub of it which are the Ọdịda  maa (the return/fall of the deity) and Ụla maa (the departure of the spirit to the great  beyond) are common to the member towns. This study will also highlight these common features among them  in order to distinguish further  the Ọmaba  practising  areas.    These  features are: the preparation of the return, the odida and the Ula maa. The preparation entails the following; the general expenditure to be made and others.

1.4.1    General Preparations Before the Commencement of Ọmaba Festival

The Ọmaba festival, it should be noted, is a costly event and a participant has  no excuse whatever to be miserly in expenditure during the festival. This fact has a  back-up aphorism that says; ‘Ọmaba sǝrǝ nẹ nya lagǝdẹ ụgwọ jụgǝdẹ.’ (Ọmaba says that when it goes then debts should be asked for). This statement actually means that  poverty is not a good reason enough for one to deprive oneself of active participation or have a low-key celebration of  the  festival.  Ọmaba  regards  itself  as  a  wealthy  spirit  and  always  approves  of  an individual’s or a community’s lavish expenditure during the festival.

Ọmaba devotees, on the other hand, believe that greater future fortunes lie in  the amount of financial contribution they put into the festival; hence, the measure you give, the measure you receive attitude that guides the whole event. The Ọmaba’s blessings which are envisaged to accrue from an individual’s generosity include: more wealth which will come in the form of increased  crop-yield  for farmers, increased  customers for the traders and due promotions for the public servants. Other types of blessings could be in the form of gift of a child to a barren woman, cure from a  protracted illness, and most importantly,  protection

from natural disasters and the evil ones. As a result of these gifts therefore, the expenditure is always a cheerful and willing sacrifice made by the people for their own good.

As the event approaches, the masking members as well as the Atama Ọmaba   draws a budget  on  the  year’s  expenditure  and  shares  that  out  among  the  villagers  for  further contributions. Among the issues for consideration here are: the number of masquerades to produce for the public display with regard to either sewing a new  regalia or hiring from others,  the  cost  of  buying  new  or  repairing  bad  musical  instruments,  the  renovation  of dilapidated okǝtis (the deity’s earthly abode which is constructed in every village square). In some towns, however, this renovation is the exclusive duty of the women. Another factor that is importantly considered is weather control (this used to be necessary because Ọmaba does not shift its days, come rain or  shine. However,  this rule is no longer strict nowadays as modernity has modified the rules to suit the participating members in different white-collar jobs and other professions).

The number of mask heads for display is very important to every community and as a result, there is always stiff competition among the communities to outdo one another in the show. Victory is, therefore, fought for because it marks the strength and wealth of a particular community, and that of course, earns the community an outstanding recognition and respect from the rest. During the Ọdịda maa in February (a year of Ọmaba festival celebration and the  commencement  of the  research),  the  cost  of producing  a  new  Ụjam/Ẹcharicha  (the Ọmaba dancers) was more than ₦25,000 and hiring it was at the rate of ₦12,000. New ones are no doubt valued more than the hired ones and one can then imagine what it would cost a community to stand out among the rest. Such was the case of Ụmụọda village of Lejja which stole the show that year with a display of ten Ụjams.

Entertainment is another factor that brings about a high expenditure on the part of an individual, for one has to entertain one’s guests lavishly, procure gun powder and, of course a

huge pig (pork is Ọmaba’s favourite meat) for slaughter. While the wealthy who anticipate many visitors kill big ones, the poor contribute to buy a big one to share.

All these factors  mentioned,  therefore,  necessitate  top-notch  readiness  of both  the individual  and  the  community  for  the  festival.  It  is  also  as  a  result  of  the  enormous expenditure involved in the festival that it is a biennial event so that people will regain their financial expenses.

General Cleaning

The general cleaning job in some areas is solely by women,  while  in some  other places, the clearing of the Otobo, Ụham,  and Okǝti (renovation  with thatched  roofs)  are men’s job only. All the roads and pathways as well as market squares and compounds are cleared in preparation for the festival. The houses are not left out for they are also decorated with drawings  in white  clay and  charcoal  on the walls to  make  them  wear  the  look of festivity.

Rehearsals

About one month to the Fall/Return of Ọmaba, a fence-like enclosure made of any of such materials as palm fronds, raffia, straw or grass is constructed in a bush/forest. This is known  as Ọnụ  Ẹgǝ,  where  the  mask  headers  rehearse  their  performance  steps.  Another makeshift constructed with either palm fronds or raffia is the Ụham located adjacent to the Okǝtis where the performers test their costumes, finally dress up  for displays and retire to after the event. Both the women and non-initiates (Ogbodus) are therefore prohibited from entering any bush/forest  a month before the return of  Ọmaba. Strict punishment  of death awaits any of the restricted groups who sees the mask header’s nakedness or their dressing ups.

Meditations

For the chief priests, this stage is usually a period of self-meditation  and  constant prayers, always preceded by divinations. He makes sure that all is set to the deity’s taste and prays on behalf of the people and himself. A chief priest who is not righteous is believed to die immediately the festival ends and this of course explains why the must take his course seriously. The priests also prepare themselves physically by changing worn out regalia and props. When all the items are ready, the villagers then patiently await the descent of the deity with its calling chant which is the main focus of the study.

1.4.2    Ụda/Ọdịda Maa (The Return of Ọmaba)

When  we  talk about  the return of Ọmaba,  symbollically,  we  are  referring  to  the spiritual descent of Ọmaba deity from their spiritual abodes to earth. But, in the literal sense, it is the mere procession of the mask heads in whatever form they may assume  from the Uham to the village squares to show themselves off. The return and the departure of Ọmaba, however, are part of the background  information  of the study and  as such, the study will restrict itself to the discussion of the events in one town. The town to be focused on is Lejja, which according to the majority view of interviewersLejja,  is said to be the head of all the Ọmaba participants.

The Ebara community in Ugbelenabọ is the most senior and the Onyishi of all  the mask heads in Lejja and as a matter of fact, they are to announce the date for  any  forth coming festival. Ọmaba as well appears first there and other communities  follow in their order of seniority. The Ụmụorugbọgụ community enjoyed these rights during the era of Odo which came before Ọmaba in Lejja.

The Ọmaba festival at Lejja takes place after the appearance of the tenth moon. Three native weeks from then, the Nwadịara, who announces the real date for the event, appears in the company of three Ovuruụzọs at the market square on the Orie day. The three Ovuruụzọs

are that of Ebara, Ụmụogbuji (Owerre) and Obukpa. They are the risk bearers; and their duty is to cleanse, drive away evil forces, and ensure spiritual protection of the town. These mask heads, the elders explain, take after the Odo masquerade in shape. They have long conical mask head-head that only exposes the muscular legs of the mask header from the thighs down to the feet. While that of Obukpa mask head is largely made up of a full leopard skin which is made to stand erect and war-like, those of Ebara and Owere are made of locally woven royal regalia. That of course could presuppose the royal and wealthy nature of Ọmaba. (Although, the materials for the costumes may change, the royal look remains constant).

All the mask heads emerge from Ugbelenabọ and proceed to the market square, one after another, in the company of men who beat a metal gong in no definite rhythm or pattern. They do not dance; they simply come to speak to the people to confirm their support. That of Ebara proceeds to the people first. He asks them, ‘Ọ bǝkwaanǝ O?’(Is this it?).  The audience replies, ‘Ayee! Then that of Owerre goes in the same manner to the audience and greets them thus; ‘Okoro Ugbele nwere Agada O! [A brave man from Ughele that has female genitals (i.e a hermaphrodite!)], Umudimshinne eh! Umuezikeahum eh! The audience again replies, ‘Ayee! On his heels is the Ovuruuzo of Obukpa, who as well calls out to the people in the same way as others, ‘Umudimshinne eeh! Umuezikeahum eh! The audience also responds Ayee! After the greetings, if any of the villages invited any of the mask heads for a special visit, then the mask head can now go to pay such a visit which is usually very brief.

Three  native  weeks  after  the  initial  appearance,  is  the  public  display,  and  the following, according to Damian Opata (177 – 178), are the things to be considered  in the aesthetic judgement of the different mask head heads or variants of Ọmaba.

Okokoro

     The  corpulent  and  browny  appearance  of  the  thighs  and  calf areas,  including  the

‘watery luxuriance of the thighs

      The beauty of the mask head head including how heavily the Okokoro has been robed with drapery dress from the shoulder areas to the buttocks, allowing the thigh areas to be exposed to public view

      The apparent hugeness and the more extraordinarily huge the Okokoro is, especially at the thigh areas, the better it is.

Ugwoke Ọmaba

    its dazzling brilliance

      its height as well as broad chest which is like a necessary desideratum for it to excel over others of its type

    Its graceful, brisk walk and demonstrations

      Its agility, especially, its ability to jump at regular intervals, land on the ground without being destabilized and at the same time able to simultaneously raise its head as well as spread out its broad chest.

Mbǝrǝ

The Mbǝrǝ masquerade is regarded as a young Okokoro though it differs essentially in that it does not have a mask head. The things normally considered in its appreciation include its beauty, neatness, and its brisk, graceful walks

Ụgwa

    the incongruity of its appearance and element of surprise

      the nature of the cordial and sometimes satiric comments and sentimental expressions it speaks

      Its power of mimickry and comicality, especially, as these encapsulate  contemporary but problematic issues

    Its versatility in commenting on contemporary socio-political issues

The Ụjams (the beautiful Ọmaba mask head performers) are mostly paraded and their aesthetics lie in their ability to keep their faces up while making short forward thrusts of their legs. It jumps up occasionally to the cheering roar of ‘Iyaa!’ from the audience. Additionally, the size of the mask heads also matter for the hefty and huge chested ones are highly heralded on sight. Also to be showcased are: the Shasha, which is regarded as the Ishi maa (the father of all the masquerades), Ogbu Ogige, Edi (which takes its name from a wild animal. Edi, just like a wild animal, tears and destroys any deemed obstacle whether an elderly man, children or farm lands. Its power is however restrained by his son called Nwedi who holds the Edi by a rope tied round its waist); and Nwanyi Maria, a modern variant of Ọmaba, is a seemingly pregnant woman dressed in white. It talks about the past and the present of the town. After this outing everyone goes home happy, feeling quite entertained. Some of the variants of the Ọmaba incarnate being are displayed in the following pages.

Okeikpe Mask head

Odo mask head

Ishima mask head

Ụjam-the beautiful Ọmaba performers

Mbǝrǝ of Lejja

Ụgwa/Ori Ọkpa Ọmaba variant

Nwanyi Maria-The pregnant mask head

1.4.1 Ụla Maa (The Depature)

The Ụla Maa is very significant in the sense that the event is performed by unmask headed individuals unlike that of the return which is done by mask headed performers. Before the final departure of Ọmaba in Lejja, four Obǝegbas (mini interim celebrations done when the deity is on earth) must have taken place. The first one known as Ime Maa is generally

fixed by the Ọmaba participants. While the second which comes up two moons later is fixed by Onayoroeho /Akpria of Amankwo, the third one that comes three moons later is fixed by Njuofia (Ejiri in Dunoka). The final one is then fixed by the Nwadiara, two  moons later. Nwadiara’s announcement signals the closure of Ọmaba and that is called Nkejiokwo.

Two weeks after the announcement  comes the Ikpogwu–  Ọmaba  goes to  ikpogwu. This is a small meeting  held  by Atama  Adada,  Diobuligwe  from  Obukpa,  Lejja  and the Nwadiara.  A dialogue goes on among the three pertaining to when  Ọmaba would depart. Nwadiara, standing in for Ọmaba later agrees to go after a little reluctance. Twelve days after that day Ọmaba departs from earth. The mask heads go in the same order as they returned but in a reverse order. Nwadịara then remains to  symbolically,  close the door. He ushers the festival in and bids it farewell.

Before Nwadịara finally goes, he and Diobuligwe also known as Okwamkpukpo (the screamer) go round the village to redeem all the pledges made to Ọmaba as people usually promise Ọmaba something in return for granting any of their prayer requests. While the two go about collecting the gifts, they perform a little drama to entertain the people.

Diobuligwe calls out to the debtors thus:

Nya bǝ Diobuligwe elem                             I, Diobuligwe elem Nya anǝgǝ emejọ nwoke                               wrong neither man mẹ nya anǝgǝ emejọ nwanyị                       nor woman

I mejomem nẹ mgbagharǝ adǝgǝ                When I am wronged, there is no forgiveness

Kwekwerewhurehururu Odobo—–

Then, there is a mock-chase between them and Diobuligwe replies:

Iye ji eme Ebi meme Ote O!                        May whatever happens to Ebi also happen to Ote O! (Whatever evil meant for me should go back to  the sender).

N’Ebi dǝrǝ Ọkwatakwama ọzọ                    For it’s when the Ebi lives that he could scream out

gifts for himself.

Nwadịara then replies:

Ike  na-akpọrǝ  dike  n’ẹgǝ  Ọ  bǝ  Onye zarǝ gǝ

Diobuligwe to Nwadịara:

Nwadiara   Asọgwa  Ugbelǝ  Ị   na-akpọ

nkpǝkpọ onye zarǝ gǝ?

You, the strength that call out for the brave in  the forest. Did anyone respond to your calls?

You,   who   have   been   screaming,    has    anyone responded to your calls?

Gǝ bǝ na-aza aza,onye zarǝ gǝ                   You that do respond, has anyone responded to yours?

Both of them continue this way up until they have collected the gifts from  people. They then retire for the day in readiness for the disappearance of Ọmaba from earth.

1.5 The Chant: Definition and Distinct Features

In this study, it is quite pertinent that we know the definition and the distinct features of chants  so  that  they could  be appropriately  distinguished  from  music  and  other  song. Robert  Gass and  Kathleen  Brehony  see  the Webster’s  New  World  College’s  Dictionary definition of chant as ‘a single liturgical song in which a string of syllables or word is sung to each tone – in other words any monotonous song’ as incomplete because it does not sound clear enough to a layman. So, in order to make the definition simpler, they choose to define it as ‘singing our prayers, vocal meditation and breath made audible.’ (6) On the other hand, Don Campbell sees it as any ‘sacred sound,’ (1) and by the concept, ‘sacred,’ he refers to any sound that manifests itself only during any religious practice or that is made in reference to a deity.    Donald  Jay  Grout  and  Claude  V.  Palisca’s  definition  of  chant  is  the  same  as Campbell’s for they see it also as ‘sacred texts’ which have their own unique characteristics that distinguish them from other songs or music. On the contrary, chant in Lejja does not only pertain  to  the  sacred  as it is realized  in the  generic  term,  ẹgara.  It encapsulates  all the singsong utterances made on any object. In other words, we could have the Ọmụgọ chant,

which is done by the elderly women to welcome new borns into the world and ẹgara manya, chanted by drunks in their ecstatic moments. The the Yoruba have the Ijala  chants which depict hunting activities. In other words, chants among the people of  Nsukka and Yoruba parts of Nigeria cannot appear in isolation for, always attached to them are the contexts for their performance.  Hence, we have the ẹgara Ọmaba  (the  Ọmaba chants), Ọmụgọ chants (ẹgara Ọmụgọ), drink chants (ẹgara manya), the Yoruba Egungun chant (masking chant) and Ijala (hunting) chants. On the other hand, Isidore Okpewho agrees with Malinowski, Bascom and Ben Amos that, “whatever system of classification we apply to folklore … of a people must be based on the systems traditionally recognized by the people.”(127) In other words, someone cannot just identify a text as either a song or chant without first of all taking into consideration  what  that display means to the people that create it. For example, it will be wrong for anyone to hastily categorise a performance as a chant when it is not seen as a chant by the community that owns it. He, therefore, enumerates certain prerequisite elements for identifying   songs  from  chants.  Such  elements   include:  the  subject  matter,  kinds   of instruments used, style of vocalization, association to which the performance belongs, and the occasion  during  which  the  performance  belong.  Such  elements  technically  give  more comprehensive  and elaborate  distinction  between  chants  and songs  as  Okpewho  clarifies below:

The song is distinguished from the recitation mode by its slower syllabic rate (i.e spread of vocalization), by the rhythmic variety brought to the realization of its text, by the occurrence  of long held  syllables  especially  in the final position and by the use of contrasted melodic phrases and motion, ascending and descending. In addition vocalization is frequently by unison of chorus, a practice only possible  with lines of  fixed form and in contrast to the solo- vocalization in other two modes – narrative and chants. (Emphasis added by me) (134)

Apart from vocalization, Okpewho also argues that a chant can be differentiated from a song based on the action of the audience. An audience’s way of appreciating a particular performance could signal to an observer whether it is a song or a chant and that, according to him, is because:

In a recitation or chant; there are certain fixed phrases, such as the  epithets (called Oriki) in Yoruba, for instance, used in praise of particular individuals, families, class or even ordinary creatures such as the tortoise and the spider; certain  proverbial  chants  also  come  in  fixed  phrases.  But since  these  are recited  in  no  regular  order  or  sequence  and  the  audience  often  cannot anticipate this, their participation in the recitation is severely limited, although we may find one or two people mouthing a few words here and there along with the performer. With the song, the audience is much freer. The lines and sequence  of the  song  are on the  whole  fixed,  in many cases,  the song  is generally known to the members of the community where it is performed, so everybody  sings  along  with  the  performer.  The  performance  of a song  is usually accompanied  by music and dance in accordance with steps that are either culturally familiar or else related to the particular style dictated by the song. The audience is delighted to seize the opportunity offered them to sing the words of the song, dance to the tune of the accompanying  music,  and generally participate in a relaxed way in the unfolding performance. (134-5)

1.6 Examples of Chants from the other Parts of the World

Although, we have the types of chants in Nigeria discussed above, the West also have their own types which are heavily tied to religion, the church, and the deity as follows;

      The Mantra: This is a short chant of ancient Indian origin which consists of a single syllable or phrase repeated over and over. The Sanskrit Mantra Om (pronounced as a— u–m), according to Gass’s claims is not only chanted in  India but also all over the world3    by millions of businessmen, housewives, truck drivers, and athletes as well as holy people and religious devotees. By making the Om sound as slow as possible, one is

assumed to become one with all creation and the three parts, it is said, represent the triume aspects of God in Hinduism where Brahama, the creator is manifest in the A; the preserver, in the U; and Shiva, the destroyer, in the M. Therefore, one simple sound of A—U—M represents ‘birth, maintenance and completion.’

     The Gregorian Chant:  This took its origin from Pope Gregory the Great of the Roman Catholic Church. His reception of the gift from the Holy Spirit was represented in early Christian art as a dove that sits on his ear and sings into his ear. During that era, monks travelled to Rome to spend a decade studying chant in Scola Cantorum, an institution for singing.  They  would  later  go  back  to  their  different  monasteries  to  instruct  their colleagues. In Gregorian chants, there may be a call and response among cantor, priest, and chorus and the tone is highly monophonic (it is not harmonised in parts).

      The Ambrosian Chants of Milan:  This was introduced by St Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan from 374-397. In this manner of chanting the psalms, a soloist or cantor takes the first half of a psalm verse and the congregation responds by singing the second half.

    There were also the Gallican Chants of Modern France, the Beneventine of  Old

Rome

Characteristics of Chants

By studying the unique qualities of the chants, we are able to differentiate them from music and songs and these qualities are:

    Monophonic tone: This refers to a situation where a song is rendered in only one tone.

Utterances are shared between the cantor who is the lead singer and the rest of  the chanters.

    Repetition of one phrase over and over

    Elongation of melodies with vowel sound, for example, A-a-ale-e-lu—ya—and Aaaa—

-men.

    They are half sung and half spoken

    They have rhythm which links them to poetry

1.7      Ọmaba Chants (Ẹgara Ọmaba): An Overview

These refer to the half-sung-half-spoken utterances that contain elements of praise for not only Ọmaba and his qualities but also for his participants. These chants, which are often ritualistic and sacred, are only heard when Ọmaba is on earth (maa nọ n’alǝ) in all the Igbo Ọmaba cultural areas.

The chants have been observed to be of different types such as; those performed by an individual for the community during the eves of the deity’s Fall and Departure Festivals, an individual’s chant to Ọmaba as it passes, and Ọmaba’s chants in praise of itself all of which are geared towards the praise of the deity. An individual’s chant to Ọmaba is always a private affair where someone freely chants to the deity whenever it appears. Examples of such are seen below;

Ajọka! Nja bǝ ike ọgǝ!                                        (“Praises are the strength of a fight,”  which means that a struggler  achieves  more when praised).

Igu  na-egwe  okpa  njavuri  njavuri!  (The  grinding  stone  that  grinds  okpa  roughly.  This statement means that the deity does its own things without anyone questioning its powers).

The second type of chant which is made by the deity itself is often made when it has a particular task to execute. As it goes to perform such a task, its chants relate to the action it is about to perform. Such tasks could range from collection of gifts, punishing an adulterous woman,  and killing a community’s  gangster.  The third type, which are  performed  by an individual or the deity and the deity’s children (ụmǝ maa) for the community, feature most prominently on the eves of the fall/return (Odida maa) and the departure (Ula maa) of the deity. While the tones are elated and happy in the former, they are, however, sorrowful and moody in the  latter  (locally described  as  ikwa  emeri)  and such expressions  as these  are

usually portrayed; Orie egwa egwa! Anyi amiri— emi hororo! ‘The Orie market day should approach fast! We have escaped—emi hororo!’ The Orie market day which is the Ọmaba’s favourite day is as well chosen for its departure day and that is why the utterer pleads for the swift approach of the day. They, according to him, henceforth would be exonerated from any evil misfortune that would befall either the village or the indigenes of that community. The chant performed by the deity and its children are highly ritualistic, sacred and believed to be sung by the maa (deity). As a result, in some areas like Umunengwa in Nru – Nsukka, the chants are neither  played  openly  nor  danced  to by the women  and the uninitiated  ones. Participation is therefore, highly restricted to the initiated members and the young initiates. But in some areas like  Lejja, the women are given the liberty of dancing to the melodious performance. The chant was formally performed on every Orie day but now as a result of the changed era of white-collar jobs and academic commitments, it is performed occasionally by a  representative  of a community who doubles as the deity and the deity’s children.  This representative’s selection is neither by social class nor age. It is rather by a sonorous voice and, compulsorily,  a well-versed  knowledge of on-the-spot figurative  composition as each performance is a totally new event. In the world of the Ọmaba chant, knowledge of figurative expressions  is the  beginning  of wisdom  as the  chants  are  rendered  in  highly  figurative languages  that  will  be  very  difficult  to  unravel  by  the  non-initiates  and  women.  The representative must be able to keep the rules of not revealing the instruments and the cast of the  performance  to  non-members,  essentially,   protecting  the  sacrosanct  nature  of  the institution. Obiechina succeeds in capturing the euphoria that surrounds the Ọmaba chant and its recitation:

As  the  day  for  the  festival  comes  closer,  the  general  preparation  and anticipation reach fever pitch, people begin to exchange visits and to become more generous with their drinks, foods and Kola nut. Ballads  and  minstrels rove around  entertaining  small audiences  with songs,  poetry  and  music…

announcing  the expected  arrival of the spirits and setting the scene for  the paltic  effusion  which  is  to  characterize  the  entire  Omabe  festival.  (384) (Emphasis mine)

It is on this note that I see the Ọmaba chant as any rendition of praise chants (long or short)  which eulogize  Ọmaba  and  its participants.  It is a traditional  emotional  utterance instituted by the fore fathers of the Ọmaba tradition to commemorate the  dwelling of the deity among men during the festival seasons. And so great is this chant tied to the deity that no other event whatsoever is considered grand enough to make the chants heard when the deity is not on earth. In other words, there can never be an improvised performance of the chant as this tends to belittle the deity whose sacredness and power tower above every mortal in the Igbo Ọmaba  cosmos.  Because of the  traditional strictness  surrounding  the Ọmaba chants, they are mostly an on-the-spot composition performed by an oral artist and a research can only be carried out on it when the deity is on earth.  Ọmaba chants, therefore, are made manifest in:

(a) a high-pitched citation as the deity passes by, as in: E too dike nẹ nke O mere eme O

meekweme ọzọ ( “When a hero is praised for his deeds, he does more”).

(b)  a more elaborate deity performance  known as ẹgara Ọmaba done in the Okǝtis –  the deities’ earthly communal dwelling places of a particular village square.

(c) An excited/sorrowful recitation by a private devotee during the fall and return

(d) the one performed by the youths or the elderly as they lead the Ọmaba to any outing.

These people who are also the dancers chant praises to their mask heads who as a result of the praises feel inferior to none. Each of the group singers and dancers do not believe in the superiority of other mask heads to theirs, so every chant is  geared towards the “mine is greater than yours” philosophy. In other words, we have chants that go thus: “Mgbe anyị bịarǝ O kwugworǝ gọgǝdẹ.” When we arrive, one would certainly deny what

one had initially said. This expression actually means that their mask head will certainly intimidate any other ones and make them cowardly.

Another example of a group performance of this song at Lejja is when the deity goes to Ikpogwu, where the atama instigates, Nwadịara, the forerunner of Ọmaba, to leave the earth. At the Ikpogwu, Nwadịara,  who is reluctant to leave earth agrees to go once  the Atama shows him the ọkwụrụ (okro), which symbolizes the arrival of the season of harvest. Three native weeks after the Ikpogwu, Ọmaba at Lejja proceeds to the world of the ancestors. At the Ikpogwu event therefore, each village is expected to create its own idiom for a kind of novelty competition. Amankwo community in Lejja, for example in 2012, had this;

Oyibo e hocherǝ azǝ anyị zụayịrǝ gboo/ Iye chi bọtarǝ anyị werǝ/. (The Westerners have uprooted the pillars we planted a long time ago Whatever a new day portends we shall take).

This expression means that our traditions have been mangled by the West; therefore the survival of our traditions  is uncertain.  Although the chant performance  competition is very fierce among the villages, no trophy is won after the events. Everything, however, ends in entertainment, laughter, and a general appreciation of the creative performers.

1.8      Instruments for Ẹgara Ọmaba Performance

Lejja has the following instruments whose descriptions are limited to the extent that could be divulged to a woman.

Ihe Mbadamba:  This instrument which has no English name resembles the xylophone. It is eight in number – three divisions of two separate pairs and another  separate group of four. While the first two pairs symbolize the male and are used when calling masculine praise names only, the second pair greets the womenfolk (in the case of the Ọyịmas). The third part which is a group of four is for general application. Anyone who brings food to the performers is sure to be greeted by the last part.

Uhwie:  This instrument could be made from any tree at all, for example, Okwe, Akpaka, etc.

This instrument has to be four in number to make a successful outing.

Acha:    The more the number of this instrument the better. As a result, they could be within the range of ten to thirty Achas.

Osha:  This one is the Western (Portuguese) maraca which is made from dry gourds. Ogwe Ani: This is a long horizontal piece of wood that is kept flat on the ground. Igede:     This is drum-like and symbolically stands as the heroes’ drum.

Ekwe:     This is a wooden gong that is commonly and locally used to produce a high pitched sound that is similar to that of the metal gong.

Ogene:    This is universally known as the metal gong.

1.9 Uses of Ẹgara Ọmaba

Although  most  of  the  interviewed  traditionalists  see  the  chants  as  mere  morale boosters  and  avenues  for  entertainment  (ẹsụeri  ẹgba  – enjoyment  of festival)  during  the festivals, several researchers of similar chants have enumerated some uses that could enjoy a generally applied to this study.

Bode Omojola, proposes that such chants could bridge the gap between the humans and the deities by “connecting the living with the spiritual; life with death; body with soul; as well as the aesthetic with the divine.” Omojola explains further that:

The  musician  or  the  performer  or  the  performances  often  constitute  the medium through which the boundaries between the two spaces  collapse and the  window  through  which  we  may  glean  how  the  elements  of play  and spirituality interact to shape religious rituals and social conversation. (31)

Omojola proposes further that, the instruments ritually call up the dead ancestors who

come and spiritually mingle with the performers to the extent that everyone in the audience often feels the presence of the celestial ancestral beings in their midst. Likewise, this ‘feel of

spiritual uplift which radiates in the performers’ and the audience’s faces, and can best be observed to be appreciated’ (132) is as well portrayed in the Ọmaba chant performance.

Anthony Braxton sees such chants as manifestations of cultural identity. He discusses that the ‘Africa’s peculiar type of music which does not seek to attempt to imitate nature, but rather reverses the procedure by talking in natural sounds including spoken language which is incorporated into music is seen.’ (1) Just as he has argued, the Ọmaba chants have that great quality of highlighting the unique music of the Nsukka people, whereby the maraca, Uhwie, metal gong and other instruments combine to produce sounds that are peculiar and uniquely Nsukka.  In other words, once the sounds  are heard, they are quickly connected  with the Nsukka cultural group.

Ọmaba chants also are relevant to society in the sense that they are raconteurs of a town’s history. This idea is made manifest when the chant documents the  genealogy of the participants’  history.  Mrs Regina  Ude, one of the interviewees  and a  one-time Ọyịma  (a revered title taken by elderly women of substance in the Ọmaba  culture) from Obukpa in Nsukka, recounts to me how the chant traces the history of a participant who comes in as the chant is being performed. It goes thus: “Okoro the son of Ude I greet you, Ude, the son of Ogbonna” – a man who performed majestic tasks.

In  the  traditional  setting  where  there  are  no  academic  institutions  that  stand  as standards of measuring an individual’s intelligence, the chants are the distinctive  yardstick for measuring the creative and intelligent ones. This is because the chants  make room for personal  expression,  the  application  of  intelligence  and  creative  imagination  which  are displayed  in the  on-the-spot  fabrication  of  idioms,  symbols  and  imagery  used.  This,  of course, easily makes an individual stand out from the crowd. Also, the ability of a performer to compel response from the audience through the gestures he makes which are both dramatic and entertaining add to the unique creative prowess of an Ọmaba chant performer.

Ọmaba chant, no doubt, is a uniting factor in the sense that it allows both the royal and the poverty-stricken members of society to participate in it. It has been mentioned before that  the  Ọmaba  chant  performance  only  requires  creativeness  in  figurative  language  to qualify as a performer. It therefore means that all the other societal distinguishing qualities like age, royalty and wealth are relegated to the background and there is room for all classes of society to participate in it. As a result of this classlessness there is free mingling among all the members of the community.

1.10   Definition of Cultural Poetics

‘Poetics’  is a Greek word that evolved  from ‘poiesis’ and later became known  as

‘poetics.’  Poetics  as  used  by  Aristotle  refers  to  any  type  of  ‘construction’  and  most importantly,  the poetic art.’ On the definition  of what constitutes  the poetic art,  Richard Kearney, posits that by ‘poetic’ Aristotle means ‘all those activities of production that result in some end when the action is over. For example, the artwork produced by the artist, the text produced by the philosopher and the shipwright.’ (43) Poetics is therefore construed as any construction that is capable of inspiring literary production.

Cultural Poetics,  a new approach to criticism  under New Historicism,  initiated  by American Stephen Greenblatt, proposes a link between creativity/ ‘making’ and culture. It is interested in the interrelationship between culture and literature, in other words, how culture is expressed in literature and how literature, in turn, expresses culture. Cultural Poetics also emphasizes an equal weighting of literary and non literary texts which implies that all texts can be examined for their historicity just as any other historical phenomenon, no matter how unimportant  or apparently trivial they may  appear.  For example,  the Madonna  Videos or Rennaissance portraiture can be analysed just as a literary text would be. Laura Zimmerman buttresses  the  equality  of  literary  and  non-literary  texts  of  the  New  Historicists  by maintaining that:

New Historicism does not privilege the literary text, but instead, literary and non-literary texts are given equal weight because they constantly inform or interrogate each other and this understanding of the relationship between these different types of texts also calls for a new understanding of the relationship between texts and history. (1)

New Historicism generally relies on the notion that an interdisciplinary approach to

literature, social sciences and history can lead to some of the most interesting discoveries in criticism.

1.11     Research Problem

The major aim of this study is to ascertain the literary values of the Ọmaba chant. The Ọmaba  institution  has  enjoyed  a lot  of scholarly  exploration  which  has  geared  towards proving the institution dramatic; and so much attention has been given to proving that Ọmaba institution is dramatic that every other aspect of it seems to be relegated to the background. This study therefore highlights the chant and analyzes its language whose figurative attribute easily enthralls and enchants any audience. Only the intelligent (intelligence here means the mastery of the interpretation of the figurative language) understand and appreciate this chant as a result of its elated language.

1.12     Scope of Study

The major determiner  of the groups to be focused on by the study is the  Ọmaba participation  spread.  The study,  therefore,  covers  every cultural  group  that  practices  the Ọmaba masking institution, thus the Igbo Ọmaba cultural group of the Nsukka zone.

Nsukka is among the first seventeen local government areas created in Enugu State, South Eastern Nigeria. The entire Nsukka province is bounded in the East by Nkalagu in Ebonyi State, in the West by Enugu Otu in Anambra East of Anambra State, in the North by Idah in Kogi and in the South by Udi in Enugu State.  Politically, Nsukka belongs to Enugu North senatorial zone. However, prior to the grouping of Nsukka into the modern senatorial

zones  and  local  governments,  what  existed  were geographical  divisions  that were  either agriculturally or socially based. Agriculturally, the people of the area depended on the rearing of animals and birds, and food production for their economic upkeep. The  rearing of such animals as pigs, cows, goats, and such crops as yams, beans, cocoyam, cassava (came much later), cash crops like palm fruit were the major determinants of the pre-colonial provincial classification of Nsukka.

The Igbo Ọmaba stretches from Ekwegbe in the South to Enugu along the central part of the zone and from Mkpologwu in the West to Obollo in the East.

This  study,  therefore,  centres  on  the  Igbo  Ọmaba  socio-cultural  group  which  is  bound together by the Ọmaba masquerade institution. The scope is, however, further delimited to Lejja town because it is mostly agreed to be the head of Ọmaba devotion in the entire Nsukka socio-cultural area.

1.13    Objectives of the Study

The specific objectives are to:

(i) Ascertain, through language, the literary/poetic qualities of the chants

(ii)  Investigate  the  performer’s  attempt  to  artistically  express  himself  in  his  traditional environment

(iii) Ascertain the traditional ideology behind the chants and

(iv) Evaluate the literary relevance of the chants to its environment of production.

1.14 Research Questions

Basically, the study will focus on the following research questions:

    Do the chants have the literary qualities that would establish it as a poem?

      Can  the  Ọmaba   chants  be  granted   the  same  attention   as  the  their   western counterparts?

    Of what relevance are the Ọmaba chants to the contemporary world of literature?

    To what extent do the chant portray the era of its creation?

      To what extent do the chants portray the unique cultural identity of its people  and environment of creation?

1.15 Purpose of Study

The Ọmaba Festival is the grandest social event of the Igbo Ọmaba  socio-cultural group.  It is so  rich  in artistic  performances  that  it  has attracted  enormous  interest  from scholars who see it as a traditional drama with all the qualities of modern or written drama. But while this serious research is going on among scholars, the poetic aspect of the festival is not  highlighted  at  all.  Lastly,  the  survival  of  the  Ọmaba  masking  institution  is  being threatened by urbanization and Christianity. If the chants are not documented, these authentic and rich texts may be lost for ever.

1.16 Significance of Study

In line with Obiechina’s arguement that traditional materials lend creative materials to artists within their  vicinity,  and the authentic  materials  when harnessed  and preserved could offer indigenous materials whose infusion into modern creative works will portray the African identity. Such works as heroic narratives, we hope, would benefit immensely from this  study.  Again,  this  study  is  not  just  invaluable  for  literary  purposes  but  also  for documentation purposes because urbanization and Christianity are seriously challenging the survival  of  the  institution.  In  the  next  fifty  years,  perhaps,  only  those  who  would  be privileged to have access to works like this would appreciate the beauty of the arts of old. Lastly, the Ọmaba  chant is introduced  to  the world for further  research and comparative purposes.

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